Allegations of family violence and child abuse in family law children's proceedings
- 1. Family violence, child abuse and family law
- 2. International research on allegations of family violence and child abuse in family law
- The roads ahead - "walking the talk"
- 3. Australian research on allegations of family violence and child abuse in family law
- 4. Methodology
- 5. The prevalence and nature of allegations
- 6. Evidentiary material and responses to allegations
- 7. Parenting proposals and court outcomes
- 8. Discussion and implications
- Appendix A: Summary tables of research literature
- Appendix B: Coding frame for the three-category typology of family violence and child abuse176
- Appendix C: Case summary for each category in the typology
- Appendix D: Classification of allegations relating to physical abuse, sexual abuse and emotional/verbal abuse
- Appendix E: Classification of evidentiary material
- Appendix F: Type of family violence or child abuse: All cases
1. Family violence, child abuse and family law
A controversy in family law, frequently contested along ideological lines, centres on the prevalence of allegations of family violence and child abuse at the time of separation or divorce. Even more hotly debated are questions regarding the extent to which such allegations are "true".1
Johnston, Lee, Olesen, and Walters (2005) have noted that on one side of the debate are feminist scholars and advocates for victims of family violence who argue that violence directed by men towards partners and children is common and that false allegations of violence and child abuse by women are rare. Johnston and her colleagues have suggested that it is the view of such scholars and advocates that:
the extent of real abuse suffered by children and their mothers has been largely ignored, dismissed, or greatly minimized by family courts. For this reason, they believe that the safety of mothers and children has too often been placed at grave risk by custody and access arrangements awarded by the court that favour a controlling and manipulative abuser. (p. 283)
Such a view constructs violence, whether directed primarily towards partners or children or both, as a male issue motivated principally by a sense of entitlement and a need to exercise control.
Conversely, Johnston et al. (2005) suggested that some fathers' groups frequently claim that separated mothers routinely make false accusations of family violence and/or child abuse for revenge or to gain a tactical advantage in child custody disputes, with the aim of reducing their former partner's involvement in their children's lives or of cutting them out altogether.2 They noted that those who hold this view often support Gardner's (1999) formulation of a "parental alienation syndrome" to buttress their claims. Gardner claimed to have produced evidence that "vindictive parents" (mainly mothers) commonly pressure their children to make false claims of mistreatment, especially of sexual abuse in child custody cases.3
Though now largely debunked by the research community (see, for example, Faller, 1998, 2003; Garber, 2004) and ruled inadmissible in a number of North American courts (Shields, 2007),4 some of the thinking that informed Gardner's (1999) largely self-published views continue to strike a popular chord. In Australia, for example, a recent telephone survey of 2000 people in Victoria (VicHealth, 2006) found that 46% of respondents agreed with the statement that "women going through custody battles often make up claims of domestic violence to improve their case" (p. 24).5 Men and women in the general population were equally likely to hold this view, while men from certain cultural groups were more likely than women in those groups to believe that women fabricate allegations to gain a tactical advantage in custody disputes (Taylor & Mouzos, 2006).
1.1 The new family law system and the Family Law Violence Strategy
In Australia, the considerable interest in family violence and child protection within the context of family law derives in part from sweeping changes to the family law system introduced by the Australian Government on 1 July 2006. These changes include: (a) changes to services in the form of new and expanded programs to help families strengthen relationships or deal constructively with separation-related disputes (the "centrepiece" of which is a new network of 65 Family Relationship Centres being established during 2006, 2007 and 2008); (b) changes to the law, as embodied in the Family Law Amendment (Shared Parental Responsibility) Act 2006 (Cth) (with shared parental responsibility being supported by less adversarial procedures in all child-related cases that reach the stage of litigation after July 2007); and (c) changes to child support, as set out in the Child Support Legislation Amendment (Reform of the Child Support Scheme - New Formula and Other Measures) Act 2006 (Cth).
The changes have raised a number of important issues in relation to family violence and child abuse. For instance, the legislation has created a rebuttable presumption that parents will equally share parental responsibility for their children after separation. But the presumption does not hold as a default position where family violence and/or child abuse has occurred. Allegations of violence or child abuse and responses to such allegations are pivotal, because where there is joint parental responsibility after separation, the Court now has a responsibility, subject to the particular circumstances that are relevant to the welfare of the children in that case, to consider making orders for the children to spend equal or else substantial or significant periods of time with each parent.
Thus, within the new legislative provisions, the proven or likely or perceived presence or absence of family violence must impact on the framing of court-ordered parenting arrangements after separation. Moreover, with family dispute resolution being the default method of managing and resolving disputes from July 2007 (the presence of violence or abuse being a key exception), there are inevitably questions about the extent to which the new Family Relationship Centres and other nominated providers will be able to screen adequately for family violence and children's safety. Furthermore, the fact that courts are required to consider the question of costs with respect to parties who "knowingly" make a false allegation or statement, raises questions of the extent to which this might put pressure on victims to "stay silent" about violence or abuse. A key policy question, therefore, is: Will children and adult victims of violence be at greater or lesser risk of harm under the new reforms?
The Australian Government recently introduced the Family Law Violence Strategy ("the Strategy") to improve the functioning of the new family law system where allegations of family violence and/or child abuse are raised.
According to the Strategy:
- The Government is focused on the right of each child to grow up with love and support from both parents, but also to be kept safe from harm.
- The Government considers that family violence of any sort is unacceptable and violence involving children is especially abhorrent. This Strategy focuses upon family violence and child abuse in the context of the family law system and on identifying ways to improve the functioning of the system for these cases. Proceedings involving allegations of family violence and child abuse frequently appear before courts exercising family law jurisdiction. These cases are widely acknowledged as some of the most difficult and contentious family law issues to deal with.
- The Government wants a system where allegations of family violence and child abuse are handled quickly, fairly and properly (Attorney-General's Department, 2006a, p. 1).
The main objectives of the Strategy are to:
- gain a better understanding of how family violence and child abuse issues arise in family law proceedings and how those issues are dealt with;
- identify and highlight how the proposed legislative provisions in the Family Law Amendment (Shared Parental Responsibility) Bill 20056 (the Shared Parenting Bill) and the assistance that will be available through Family Relationship Centres and support services will help address family violence and child abuse issues in the family law system;
- work collaboratively with the States and Territories to ensure that family violence and child abuse allegations are properly investigated once they arise in family law proceedings;
- work with courts to improve processes for dealing with cases where allegations of family violence and child abuse are raised; and
- engage with relevant stakeholders to identify further areas of improvement to the family law process (Attorney-General's Department, 2006a, p. 1).
These objectives have raised many challenges for family law researchers, policy makers, practitioners and decision makers. The challenges are, in turn, inextricably linked to having an accurate knowledge base; having empirical data with respect to questions such as the following: How often are allegations of family violence and child abuse made in family law proceedings? What is the nature and range of these allegations? How often are allegations admitted, denied or left unanswered? How often are allegations withheld, and for what reason(s)? How often are deliberately false allegations made? Are false denials of violence and abuse more prevalent than false allegations? How do legal practitioners deal with allegations and admissions or denials and how do they advise clients who wish to make allegations, deny allegations or withhold allegations? How do dispute resolution practitioners and court personnel deal with such allegations? What impact do professional assessments of violence and abuse have on the appropriate provision of services, such as court-based services, community-based family dispute resolution, parent education, counselling, and anger management courses? How and to what extent do decision makers make use of professional assessments in weighing up the validity of allegations? And in making decisions about post-separation parenting arrangements, how and to what extent do decision makers link findings about violence and abuse with best outcomes for children and parents?
Underpinning all of these questions are more fundamental definitional issues about what is meant by violence and abuse. There is a tension, for example, between a general recognition that all violence and abuse is unacceptable, and an acknowledgement that not all violence and abuse is the same. There is also a tension between those who see all violence and abuse as motivated by a desire to control, and those who see evidence of multiple motivations. Thus, an Australian discussion paper published in the late nineties by the Domestic Violence and Incest Resources Centre (DVIRC) made the following observation about research in the area of domestic violence at the time:
Usually researchers go into the field armed with a preferred definition of domestic violence, then ask research participants for their view on, or experience of, that form of violence. They do not generally seek from participants their own understanding of violence. (MacDonald, 1998, p. 7)
Under the recently enacted Family Law Amendment (Shared Parental Responsibility) Act 2006 (Cth), much will turn on the capacity to both define and identify accurately the presence or absence of family violence and child abuse, and to link services and decisions to such identifications. At the same time, the Australian family law-related empirical data on violence and child abuse in the context of family law (see Chapter 3) have tended to reflect the DVIRC concerns. Violence has tended to be very broadly defined and sometimes not defined at all. Further, policy recommendations have tended to come out of analyses of small samples or samples skewed in the direction of victims of particularly extreme forms of violence, such as women and children in women's shelters. In addition, the research has rarely included reliability studies that might demonstrate a level of consistency with respect to identifying the type of violence and abuse being studied and the circumstances in which they occur.
Thus, many of the family law-related studies to date might be regarded as "first wave" research, the primary aim of which has been to bring the reality of violence and abuse into the foreground. Largely due to such research, the fact that too many adults and children within families live in fear and/or are subjected to severe and humiliating acts of violence is no longer in serious dispute. At the same time, a significant part of the challenge in progressing the current legislation lies in being clear about exactly what is meant by "violence" and "abuse", to what extent violence and abuse are manifested differently in different circumstances, and which definition(s) best serve the simultaneous aims of the legislation to enhance relationships and to keep children and other family members safe.
1.2 Family violence: Grappling with definitions
This section and the two sections that follow focus on adult-to-adult violence, with a core emphasis on violence directed at or between intimate partners. In Section 1.5, the focus is on violence within families directed at children, as well as violence that, while not necessarily directed at children, occurs in their presence and thus impacts on their wellbeing and sense of safety.
A reviewer of research in the area of "family violence" would quickly come to realise that data relating to such matters as prevalence and severity are difficult to capture unless that which is being measured has been carefully defined. Thus, as Hegarty and Roberts (1998) have noted, the prevalence of partner abuse in Australia has variously been estimated to be as low as 2% and as high as 28%, depending largely on the definitions used.
The Family Court of Australia is required to follow the definition of "family violence" set out in the Family Law Act 1975.7 Until recently, the Act formally defined "family violence" as:
conduct, whether actual or threatened, by a person towards, or towards the property of, a member of the person's family, that causes that or any other member of the person's family to fear for, or to be apprehensive about, his or her personal well being or safety. (Section 60D)
However, the new Act has qualified this definition by including the word "reasonably" in two places:
conduct, whether actual or threatened, by a person towards, or towards the property of, a member of the person's family that causes that or any other member of the person's family reasonably to fear for, or reasonably to be apprehensive about, his or her personal wellbeing or safety [emphasis added].
Though not without controversy, these amendments represent an attempt to acknowledge that fear or apprehension may be generated largely from without or from within, or possibly from a combination of both. All signals are interpreted through the lens of a range of experiences that include, but go beyond, one's experience of the signaller. Thus, a person may know from experience that even a subtle signal from a partner, such as "knowing glance", is suggestive of dangerous behaviour from that partner. On the other hand, neutral or even friendly signals can be misinterpreted in the light of past real or perceived dangers that have no connection with the current individuals or the current situation.
The World Health Organization (WHO) has defined violence as:
the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person or against a group or community that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment or deprivation. (Krug, Dahlberg, Mercy, Zwi, & Lozano, 2002, p. 5)
A strength of this definition is that it could be seen to encompass a generally understood view of violence while at the same time being broad enough to accommodate issues of abuse and neglect of children. All three of these issues are important within the context of family law, and all three are interconnected.
In line with this definition, the World Health Organization's follow-up report on preventing violence (Butchart, Phinney, Check, & Villaveces, 2004) suggested that it is useful to think of three broad categories of violence: self-directed, interpersonal or collective. Self-directed violence refers to suicidal behaviour or self-harm. Interpersonal violence is subdivided into violence perpetrated on partners and family members, and violence perpetrated on other members of the community. Collective violence can be social, political or economic. In all three categories, the violence may be physical, sexual or psychological, or violence associated with deprivation or neglect.
If we accept this as a working classificatory system, then when separating parents are in dispute over children, the violence that most often confronts practitioners and decision makers falls within the category of actual or threatened interpersonal violence directed at, or occurring between, partners and family members. However, placing the definitional focus on interpersonal violence as it occurs within a family would be seen by some to put insufficient emphasis on the assertion of power - male power in particular - as a motivator of violence.
In addition, other areas of violence remain relevant to family law cases. For example, some self-directed violence can be turned outwards and become violence towards partners or children or others - at times with tragic consequences (see Johnson, 2002, whose research is further discussed in Section 1.6). Even if this is not the case, self-directed violence, especially suicide, can have a dramatic impact on the welfare of children and other family members. Nor is evidence of violence towards other members of the community an insignificant consideration in assessing the safety of family members in a parenting dispute. Such violence towards others can intimidate family members. In addition, a history of aggression towards others and/or criminal convictions correlates with a history or likelihood of family violence.
1.3 Towards increased differentiation
In her recent review of "domestic violence"8 and its implications for post-separation decision-making about children, Ver Steegh (2005, p. 1379) suggested that in the United States, "child custody determinations are based on the fiction that families with a history of domestic violence are all alike". The aim of her work was: (a) to reconcile competing viewpoints and contradictory evidence with respect to family violence; (b) to provide families with appropriate interventions; and (c) to address deficiencies in family violence child custody statutes.
Ver Steegh (2005) began by calling for differentiated case management that would minimise the risk of some families continuing to be referred to services that are unsafe for them, and of other families who could benefit from such services being discouraged from using them. Importantly, she noted that "all cases of domestic violence are serious and important; saying that they are not all the same does not diminish this fact" (p. 1380). Ver Steegh's aim of directing the right case to the right source of assistance reflects a core challenge to social and legal services. In Australia, this challenge will become more sharply focused as Family Relationship Centres (FRCs) aim to become increasingly responsive to the very broad range of separation-related parenting disputes, and the court system increasingly responds to parenting cases in which there are concerns about personal safety, or concerns about individuals' very capacity to parent responsibly.
From her reading of the literature, Ver Steegh (2005) concluded that the confusing and contradictory research findings in the area of "domestic violence" strongly suggest the existence of different types of violence. She maintained that adherence to only one view of violence makes it difficult, if not impossible, to assimilate contradictory claims that are situated in multiple schools of thought about the origins and causes of violence in general, and of family violence or intimate partner violence in particular.9 Ver Steegh is among a number of researchers and commentators (such as Johnson, 1995; and Straus, 1999) who have argued that much of the debate around how to interpret differences in outcomes tends to dissolve if it is assumed that the different studies are observing and measuring different phenomena.
At the heart of such analyses of family violence are well-reported differences in findings from two types of studies. Those generally known as "family conflict studies" appear to paint a picture of violence that is largely situational and initiated by men and women in roughly equal proportions. By contrast, those generally known as "crime victimisation studies" paint a picture of escalating violence perpetrated overwhelmingly by men, primarily motivated by an obsessive need to control the partner and, usually, the children as well.
Consistent with these differential findings, Johnson (2000, 2005) has been developing a typology of intimate partner violence that currently posits the existence of three major categories: (a) "intimate terrorism"; (b) "violent resistance"; and (c) "situational couple violence". The first of these, in his view, is discontinuously related to the third, and the second is largely a reaction to the perpetration of violence.10
According to Johnson (2005), "intimate terrorism" is strongly gendered in origin and is linked to questions of control associated with patriarchal assumptions and a patriarchal culture. In Johnson's model, "violent resistance" is a typical response by the female partner to violent behaviour. As the name implies, Johnson sees "situational couple violence" as being characterised by a greater sense of reciprocity. He has suggested that it is not fundamentally gendered in its origins, though clearly it includes gender-related issues, such as the fact that where physical violence is concerned, men are generally more powerful than women and considerably more likely to inflict serious harm.
1.4 The Johnson "domestic violence" typology: Implications and limitations11
1.4.1 "Intimate terrorism"
Johnson and Ferraro (2000) have suggested that in "intimate terrorism" violence should be viewed as a tactic that underpins a broader pattern of power and control. A number of researchers, practitioners and commentators have described a range of such control mechanisms that are employed overwhelmingly by men. These include the exercise of economic power and threats; the use of privilege and punishment; isolation; the infliction of emotional, physical and sexual abuse; and the manipulation and threatening of children. According to Johnson and Ferraro, the violence associated with "intimate terrorism" tends to escalate over time, becoming more frequent, more severe and more likely to result in significant injury. Many of its victims, who are overwhelmingly women, suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression and poor health.
Such patterns of abusive control began to be identified by a number of researchers and theorists in the 1970s. In Australia, for example, Yeatman (1979, p. 19) pointed to "systematic destructive conflict between men and women in domestic relationships [that] can be comprehended only in terms of a struggle around the legitimacy of patriarchal power". In the United States and, more specifically, in the context of post-separation disputes, Johnston and Campbell (1993, p. 90) have described a similar phenomenon in terms of "ongoing and episodic male[-induced] battering", while Ellis and Stuckless (1996) have spoken of "control instigated abuse".
Ver Steegh (2005) suggested that research that seeks to understand the plight of victims of family violence rarely distinguishes between "intimate terrorism" and "situational couple violence" (or similarly conceptualised distinctions). She suggested that, instead, the focus of most research and commentary is largely on female victims of coercive, controlling violence - Johnson's "intimate terrorism". Furthermore, although the victims of this form of violence suffer a range of symptoms, such as those related to PTSD, not all present as the sort of passive recipients sometimes portrayed or implied in the literature - a number of victims fight back. Perhaps more importantly, many manage to leave the relationship (Herbert, Silver, & Ellard, 1991), though not necessarily on the first attempt (Giles-Sims, 1998).
Ver Steegh (2005) suggested that of greatest importance is that service providers and decision makers develop a sense of clarity about what is needed by women and their children in circumstances that suggest the sort of coercive, controlling violence that Johnson has labelled "intimate terrorism". She noted that the most fundamental of these needs is "comprehensive safety planning, especially around the time of separation when the perpetrator's need to control may escalate" (p. 1390).
1.4.2 "Situational couple violence"
126.96.36.199 Johnson's view
In Johnson's typology, "situational couple violence" is seen as qualitatively different from "intimate terrorism". It generally involves fewer incidents of less severity that do not result in significant injury. It is not seen as part of a larger pattern of control and usually does not escalate. Indeed, Johnson and Ferraro (2000) claimed that it is more likely to de-escalate or stop altogether. Ver Steegh (2005) saw this category of violence as being consistent with the "conflict instigated violence" identified by Ellis and Stuckless (1996) and with what Johnston and Campbell (1993) referred to as "male controlling interactive violence".12
Johnson (2005) cited Archer's (2000) meta-analysis of intimate partner violence in the United States, in which Archer found that intimate partner violence in agency samples was heavily male-perpetrated, whereas in general samples it was largely gender-symmetric. Johnson suggested that much of the violence seen within agencies (such as women's shelters or refuges) falls into the category of "intimate terrorism", a largely gendered phenomenon, and that it is the observations by practitioners and researchers associated with such agencies that have fuelled more general gender-based theories of violence.
On the basis of his analysis of a 1970s Pittsburg sample, Johnson (2000) concluded that 97% of "intimate terrorism" was perpetrated by male partners. In contrast, 56% of "situational couple violence" was initiated by men. In a British sample, Graham-Kevan and Archer (2003) found figures of 87% and 45% respectively for these same dimensions.
Johnson's (2005) conclusion, therefore, is that broad statements about the gendered nature of violence are fundamentally misinformed. In his view, it is essential first to define the type of violence being considered. Johnson claimed support for his discontinuous model - in which gender plays a critical role in one form of violence but considerably less so in the other - from researchers such as Graham-Kevan and Archer (2003); Holtzworth-Munroe (2000); Holtzworth-Munroe and Stuart (1994); Jacobson and Gottman (1998); and Swan and Snow (2002).
Holtzworth-Munroe and Stuart (1994), for example, claimed to have identified "family only" male perpetrators, whose violence is less severe and who exhibit little or no psychopathology. In their view, the violence emanates from stress, anger and poor relationship skills; these men generally have positive attitudes towards women. Holtzworth-Munroe and Stuart estimated that about 50% of male violence in families is in this category. In a similar vein, Leone, Johnson, Cohan, and Lloyd (2004) suggested that "situational couple violence" is the most common form of family violence.
As Ver Steegh (2005) noted, the implications of adopting a discontinuous model of violence are profound. Johnson and Ferraro (2000) put it this way:
The modelling of the causes and consequences of partner violence will never be powerful as long as we aggregate behaviours as disparate as a "feminine" slap in the face, a terrorizing pattern of beatings accompanied by humiliating psychological abuse, an argument that escalates into a mutual shoving match, or a homicide committed by a person who feels there is no other way to save her own life. (p. 19)
In 2005, Johnson was prepared to go further:
It is no longer scientifically or ethically acceptable to speak of domestic violence without specifying loudly and clearly, the type of violence to which we refer. (p. 1126)
Johnson's model offers a plausible solution to what has been referred to as "the gender paradox". The gender paradox is the now broadly accepted finding that gender appears to be unrelated to a sizeable percentage13 of mild to moderate violence recorded in population surveys, but strongly related to the generally more extreme acts of violence seen by police and hospitals and in women's refuges.
188.8.131.52 Challenges to the Johnson view
Other researchers who accept the existence of a "gender paradox" have suggested that Johnson's model falsely solves the problem by the unnecessary construction of "surplus meaning". Fergusson, Horwood, and Ridder (2005b) are among those who have proposed that the "gender paradox" be understood inside a continuity model of violence. They explained this by constructing hypothetical distributions of family violence for men and women that have the same arithmetic mean, but different dispersions at the extremes.14 In this model, it is the extremes of the normal distribution, with men more likely than women to be at these extremes, that account for the gender differences seen in refuges, casualty departments and the like.
Fergusson, Horwood, and Ridder (2005a) claimed that Johnson was too dismissive of their core population survey findings that domestic conflict was reported in 70% of relationships, with the conflict ranging from minor psychological abuse to severe assault. In disputing Johnson's observation that much of what was reported in their study was "hardly violence at all", they again pointed to the danger that, in a discontinuous model of partner violence, "common couple violence" (a term Johnson originally employed to describe "situational couple violence") might be dismissed as trivial. It is not, of course, trivial for the partners. Nor, as the research reported below indicates, is it trivial for the children of the partnership - whether they themselves are subjected to direct violence or witness it between their parents.
Kimmel (2002) approached the issue of violence between partners from a perspective that is somewhere in between the view of Johnson and the view of Fergusson et al. (2005a, 2005b) Kimmel broadly agreed with the distinction between violence motivated by the requirement to maintain control, and violence that is more situationally induced. At the same time, Kimmel's analysis called into question the claim that, from the perspective of gender, situational violence is largely a symmetrical phenomenon.
A core concern for Kimmel (2002) was that, in his view, virtually all of the credible family conflict studies that have made use of random samples place considerable reliance on the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS). Kimmel was critical of the CTS (Straus & Gelles, 1990) at a number of levels. But in particular, he concluded that a finding of gender symmetry that relies on the CTS is likely to be an artefact of the instrument itself. This conclusion was based on the reasons outlined below.
To begin with, Kimmel (2002) pointed out that the very starting point of the CTS is a presumption that conflict is based on situational disagreements.15 The second claim was that the instrument is insufficiently sensitive to circumstances and context, and not at all sensitive to the distinction between initiating and reacting to violence.16 Third, Kimmel pointed out that the CTS does not provide scope for the reporting of many acts of violence against women, such as rape and assault by a former partner - both of which feature significantly in crime victimisation statistics. Nor is it administered to women under the age of 18, even though many women who report rape are juveniles.
Kimmel's (2002) review of the spectrum of family violence data led him to conclusions that have commonalities with, but important differences from, the conclusions of researchers and commentators such as Johnson and Ver Steegh. According to Kimmel:
Family conflict studies are useful in pointing out the ubiquity and the casualness with which violence structures our quotidian lives. Coupled with data about spousal murder, rape, and other forms of sexual assault, crime victimisation data are useful in pointing out the ways in which men's domination over women requires the implicit threat and often the instrumental use of violence to maintain power. (p. 22)
Kimmel (2002) went on to conclude:
With all the caveats and modifications we have suggested to the family conflict model, and especially the CTS as the standard of measurement, we might predict that violence as an expression of conflict is somewhat less than symmetrical, but includes a significant percentage of women. (p. 24)
Kimmel (2002) hypothesised that the percentage of violence initiated by women in the "family conflict" studies is closer to 25% - considerably less than the studies cited above and, in particular, considerably less than that suggested by Johnson and by Ver Steegh. Although Kimmel's hypothesis was based on an in-depth critique of the studies on which Johnson and Ver Steegh also relied, it is unfortunate that he did not spell out how he arrived at the figure of 25%. On the other hand, Kimmel's conclusion that violence that is instrumental and aimed at maintaining control is overwhelmingly (over 90%) perpetrated by men, is broadly in accordance with almost all the literature that has examined this category of violence.
In concluding this section, it should be acknowledged that analyses of the extent to which intimate partner violence is a gendered phenomenon will continue and needs to continue. It is commonly seen as a mark of a civilised society that violence in all forms is unacceptable. We understand better than we did even 30 years ago that violence has self-perpetuating tendencies, with psychological sequelae that reach into and sometimes beyond subsequent generations (Nechvoglod, 1995). The challenge for researchers is to continue to understand better the social, economic and psychological conditions that make violence more likely or even more acceptable. Gender is embedded in the social, the economic and the psychological. It is an important story, and there is no doubt that men perpetrate most of the serious violence-related damage both to themselves and to women.17 At the same time, gender is not the whole story.
We now turn to a brief overview of intra-family abuse and neglect of children. In so doing, we acknowledge these behaviours to be another form of violence that indeed are contained within the definition of violence under the Family Law Act 1975. There are strengths in considering the plight of children separately. As noted below, there is also a danger that the very act of separating these issues can create an illusion that intimate partner violence and violence towards children share little in the way of common ground. Such a conclusion is more likely to be an artefact of differing research pathways and traditions than a reflection of reality.
1.5 Child abuse and neglect
1.5.1 Confronting the legacy
Extensive psycho-historical research into the experience of childhood led de Mause (1998) to conclude that widespread abuse of children, including multiple levels of sexual abuse, has been a pervasive element of all cultures in all ages. Indeed de Mause claimed that "the history of childhood is a nightmare from which we have only recently begun to awaken" (p. 1).
The use of children to serve adult ends was, of course, recognised long before the revelations of historians of childhood.18 Charles Dickens' novels provide perhaps the best popular examples of such widespread abuse. In addition, James (2000) is one of a series of commentators to have outlined the shift that came in the wake of the Industrial Revolution from a focus on protecting society from "delinquent children", to increasing concerns about protecting children from the abuse, abandonment, and physical and emotional neglect inflicted by the same society that purported to fear them.
As Parton (1985) pointed out, an increasing awareness of child abuse has gone hand-in-hand with attention to legislative reform that has afforded increasing legal status to children. More broadly, Hodgson (1992) has carefully described the ongoing development and "internationalisation" of the children's rights movement, which perhaps reached its high-water mark with the adoption of the United Nations Convention of the Rights of the Child in September 1990.
Like the recognition of adult-to-adult family violence, however, it was not until well into the twentieth century that evidence was systematically gathered on the extent of undisclosed intra-familial violence towards children in relatively affluent Western countries. For example, an early North American paper by a paediatric radiologist (Caffey, 1946) made the then shocking suggestion that many subdural haematomas and long-bone fractures in infants were inconsistent with accidental trauma.
Fifteen years later, following a New York medical symposium on the subject of childhood injuries, Kempe, Silverman, Steele, Droegemueller, and Silver (1962) went on to demonstrate that a significant number of parents and caretakers were battering their children, some to the point of death. Kempe et al., who coined the term "battered child syndrome", are generally acknowledged to have been the first to have presented systematic data on the extent of the phenomenon of child abuse. The data, however, were greeted with such scepticism that after a further 15 years, Helfer and Kempe (1976) suggested that children's suffering at the hands of adults was being exacerbated by society's continued widespread denial of the reality of child abuse.
It is salutary, therefore, to reflect on the fact that as family courts such as the Family Court of Australia began to develop case law to support post-separation decision-making in children's cases, systematic evidence of intra-familial and other family-related violence towards children was generally either not available or not taken seriously. The same could be said of adult-to-adult family violence.19 In both areas, the predominant atmosphere was one of widespread ignorance, shameful silence and public scepticism.
1.5.2 Defining and measuring child maltreatment
Although terms such as "child abuse" and "child neglect" have now been commonly accepted, they continue to refer to a broad spectrum of behaviours and experiences, the boundaries of which remain contested. Like terminology around adult-to-adult family violence, the terminology that describes child maltreatment continues to be plagued by definitional issues.
Typically, the maltreatment of children is divided into categories such as physical abuse, sexual abuse, neglect, and emotional and psychological abuse. But as Tomison (2000) noted, these distinctions tend to be artificial. Tomison suggested that when investigating child abuse, it is important to assess simultaneously the nature and extent of all forms of family violence. This is partly because many children who are subject to abuse suffer multiple forms of maltreatment. It is also partly due to an increasingly well-recognised relationship between adult-to-adult family violence and child maltreatment (Goddard & Hiller, 1993; Stanley, 1997; Stermac, Davidson, & Sheridan, 1995; Tomison, 1999; Truesdell, McNeil, & Deschner, 1986).
The problem of definitional issues is exacerbated by the fact that abusive behaviours towards children are interpreted differently according to differing social norms, values and beliefs, and according to each culture's conventional and/or expertly derived knowledge base about children, children's development and family relationships. Within mainstream Australian culture, the debate about corporal punishment is a case in point. Tucci, Goddard, and Mitchell (2003), for example, asked 500 Australian parents (39% male, 61% female) a series of questions about adult behaviours towards children. Among their key findings was that injuring a child while administering "discipline" was thought by 1 in 5 respondents to be something that should not warrant making a charge of assault.
It has been suggested that the child continues to occupy an ambiguous position in our culture. Thus, how one views the continued legitimacy of behaviours such as corporal punishment will inevitably be a reflection of one's formally or informally held views about the nature of childhood itself and the manner in which society expects or requires parents to introduce children to the world of adult values and behaviours (see Richards, 1974; Bainham, Day-Sclater, & Richards, 1999). Constructions of childhood differ widely (James & Prout, 1990). On the dimension of morality and motivation, for example, they range from the totally "innocent child" of Rousseau and others, to notions of the "sinful child" that have informed the thinking within certain religious traditions.
The former view is well illustrated by Rousseau's appeal to mothers20 to provide a shield for their children "from the crushing force of social convention. Tend and water it [your child] ere it dies. One day, the fruit will reward your care" (1762/1911, p. 4). The latter view is illustrated, perhaps at its starkest, by a statement attributed to the mother of John Wesley: "When turned a year old (and sometimes a year before) they are taught to fear the rod and to cry softly" (cited in de Mause, 1998, p. 8).
Many researchers and commentators have pointed to the inconsistencies contained in laws that make it an offence to strike another adult but continue to endorse or at least permit the corporal punishment of children. Thus, there is ambivalence about the extent to which children are entitled to society's protection. In the study by Tucci et al. (2003), for example, the authors found that child abuse was rated, on average, thirteenth on a list of community concerns - below the level of concern about public transport and council rates. They also reported that more than half the respondents said they would not necessarily believe children's stories of abuse, and that almost a quarter of those surveyed did not believe that sexual relations between a 14-year-old and an adult necessarily constituted sexual abuse.
James (2000) noted that the true extent of child maltreatment is very difficult to gauge. In its 2001 report, the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare estimated that 5.6 per thousand children under the age of 16 had been the subject of substantiated child abuse and neglect cases. The Institute's 2006 report suggested that between 1999/2000 and 2004/2005, the number of notifications to the child protection system had doubled. However, as Liddell, Donegan, Goddard, and Tucci (2006) noted, these figures contain a number of discrepancies and possible contradictions, including wide variation in notification rates between states. It is likely, therefore, that such figures remain an underestimate of the true state of affairs.
The discrepancies in overall reporting rates, however, are extremely large, especially with regard to questions of sexual abuse. James (2000), for example, suggested that some research estimates that up to 1 in 4 girls and 1 in 12 boys have experienced sexual abuse (see James, 1996, for a more detailed discussion of these figures). Estimates by de Mause (1998), based on his own research and his reading of research in North America, England and Germany, were even higher. With respect to physical abuse and neglect, Bartollas (1993) has suggested that the incidence in the United States may be as high as 1 in 20 families, with neglect being twice as common as abuse.
It is clear that disagreements and confusion about what is meant by child abuse and neglect is one important reason for the discrepancies. Drawing on work from the National Research Council in the United States, James (2000, p. 3) summarised key difficulties in constructing universally acceptable definitions of child abuse as including:
- a lack of consensus of what forms of parenting are dangerous or unacceptable;
- uncertainty about whether to define abuse on the basis of adult characteristics, adult behaviour, the outcome for the child and the environmental context, in isolation or in combination;
- conflict over whether standards of risk or harm would be used in the construction of definitions;
- confusion as to whether similar definitions should be used for scientific, legal and clinical purposes; and
- difficulties over the parameters of child abuse and how far these parameters should be extended.
1.5.3 Impacts of child maltreatment
Not surprisingly, there is no simple cause-and-effect relationship between child maltreatment and physical or emotional health outcomes. Not all abused and neglected children appear to experience long-term consequences. Instead, most researchers and commentators seem to agree that outcomes vary widely and appear to be affected by factors such as the following:
- the age and developmental maturity of the child at the time the abuse or neglect occurred;
- the type(s) of abuse;
- its frequency, severity and duration; and
- the quality of the relationship between the child and the abuser.
Some children experience long-term negative consequences of abuse and neglect, while the impact on others appears to be minimal. What is sometimes referred to as "resilience" in some children, which modifies the impact of maltreatment, seems to be influenced by a number of individual characteristics, such as optimism, self-esteem, intelligence, creativity, humour and a sense of independence. In addition, family, social or environmental factors that appear to modify negative effects include access to social support and/or to at least one unequivocally caring adult, neighbourhood stability and access to reasonable health care (see Thomlison, 1997).
Known negative consequences of maltreatment include problems with physical and mental health. Infants who are neglected, abused or violently shaken may show symptoms such as vomiting, concussion, respiratory distress, seizures and death. Long-term consequences can include blindness, learning disabilities, mental retardation, cerebral palsy or paralysis (Conway, 1998). Child maltreatment is generally associated with higher rates of long-term health problems, such as sexually transmitted disease, heart disease, cancer, chronic lung disease, skeletal fractures and liver disease (Hillis, Anda, Felitti, Nordenberg, & Marchbanks, 2000).
Increasingly, child abuse and neglect have also been associated with impaired neurological development, with physical, mental and emotional developmental consequences (Perry, 2002). The stress of chronic abuse has also been linked to a neurologically driven "hyperarousal" response, which typically results in hyperactivity, sleep disturbances and anxiety, as well as increased vulnerability to post-traumatic stress disorder, attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder, conduct disorder, and learning and memory difficulties (Dallam, 2001; Perry, 2001).
Not surprisingly, a history of abuse and neglect is also associated in later life with feelings of isolation, fear and an inability to trust. In one long-term study, as many as 80% of young adults who had been abused met the diagnostic criteria for at least one psychiatric disorder at age 21. These young adults exhibited problems such as depression, anxiety, eating disorders and suicide attempts (Silverman, Reinherz, & Giaconia, 1996). Other psychological and emotional conditions associated with abuse and neglect include panic disorder, dissociative disorders, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, PTSD and reactive attachment disorder (Teicher, 2000). Cognitive difficulties (US Department of Health and Human Services, 2006 and social difficulties, often linked with insecure attachments (see Morrison, Frank, Holland, & Kates, 1999), also feature more prominently for these children.
In addition, although not all victims of child abuse and neglect will experience behavioural consequences, there is greater likelihood during adolescence of problems such as delinquency, teen pregnancy, low academic achievement, drug use and mental health problems (Kelley, Thornberry, & Smith, 1997). In the United States, the increased adolescent delinquency noted among the victims of childhood abuse and neglect has also been shown to be associated with an increase in the likelihood of adult criminal behaviour and violent crime (Widom & Maxfield, 2001). Later drug and alcohol problems are also more prominent among these individuals (Swan, 1998). And perhaps not surprisingly, multiple studies have associated parents who were abused or neglected as children with greater rates of victimisation of their own children.
1.5.4 Children's exposure to family violence
Of the 21,000 family-related incidents that were reported to Victorian police in a 12-month period in 1997/1998, children were recorded as present on more than half the occasions (Atmore, 2001). Bedi and Goddard (2007) have provided a brief review of the impacts on children of living alongside intimate partner violence. Although much of the research is again plagued with definitional problems, one is struck by the similarities between the reports of the symptoms and outcomes with respect to the children in this situation, and the symptoms and outcomes, noted above, that attach to more direct forms of child maltreatment.
Part of the explanation for this no doubt lies in the likelihood of the coexistence of child maltreatment and intimate partner violence in a considerable number of cases. According to Bedi and Goddard (2007), research into the levels of such coexistence has been hampered by an historical separation of disciplines concerned with each type of violence (see Edleson, 1999). Relatively early Australian data (Goddard & Hiller, 1993) suggested a co-occurrence rate of 55% between physical child abuse and intimate partner violence, and a co-occurrence rate of 40% with respect to intimate partner violence and child sexual abuse. A more general review of 31 studies (Appel & Holden, 1998), however, found co-occurrence figures that varied from 6% to 100%.
A major limitation of the co-occurrence studies to date is that the type of intimate partner violence is rarely defined. No doubt there are parents who, though violent towards their partners or towards each other, would consider it "beyond the pale" to abuse their children directly. On the other hand, one would expect that parents whose violence is primarily motivated by the need for control, would be more likely to attempt to control their children or insist on them being controlled by their partner. Studies cited by Bedi and Goddard (2007) have described a range of ways whereby children living with intimate partner violence are more likely to also be the targets of child abuse. These studies all assume that the violence is uni-directional and male-initiated.
Bedi and Goddard's (2007) review of the impact of partner violence on children also addressed the question of causality (that is, can it be said that the witnessing of such behaviour is the cause of negative symptoms and outcomes?) and the mechanisms that might account for these symptoms and outcomes. Although causality cannot be unequivocally established at this stage, the evidence from animal studies (Francis & Meaney, 1999) and twin studies (Jaffee, Caspi, Moffitt, Taylor, & Arseneault, 2002) appears to point in this direction. As the review demonstrated, the mechanisms whereby being in the presence of intimate partner violence leads to a range of negative impacts, are complex and not yet fully understood. Indeed, some of the findings appear counterintuitive. It is not clear, for example, "whether children who experience multiple traumas suffer worse outcomes than whose who experience one type of victimisation in isolation" (Bedi & Goddard, 2007, p. 72).
Before leaving this necessarily limited overview of child maltreatment, it is important to also consider briefly the impact on children of ongoing, unresolved parental conflict, even in situations in which physical violence does not occur. McIntosh (2003) has reviewed the evidence that children exposed to continuing unresolved conflict are significantly more likely than their peers in no-conflict or low-conflict situations to do poorly across a range of cognitive, social, psychological and physical dimensions.
From the perspective of healthy child development, continued high conflict seriously erodes parental attunement to the needs and experiences of their children. Moloney and McIntosh (2006) suggest that parental attunement:
refers to a parent's capacity to take their child's perspective. It is the clarity and accuracy of the parent's reflection on their own internal emotional states and ability to differentiate and process the child's internal states that lead to security for the child in their attachment relationship and their sense of self. Parental reflective function is a crucial human capacity that is intrinsic to affect regulation and productive social relationships. [It is linked] to Bowlby's concept of a "secure base" [italics added]. (p. 19)
In summary, violent responses, whether directed at a child, or at or between adults on whom the child depends, are simply incompatible with caring for that child's needs. In this sense, violent responses, along with ongoing, unresolved adult-to-adult conflict, can both be understood as significant acts of neglect.
1.5.4 Child maltreatment and family law
Clearly, the family law challenges with respect to accurate identification and appropriate responses to allegations of violence and abuse directed at children are both considerable and multi-faceted. At its best, family law processes must aim to: (a) offer unequivocal protection to children when protection is needed; (b) publicly promote non-violent and non-sexualised relationships between parents (and parental figures) and the children they care for; (c) oversee wise and realistic outcomes in situations in which one or more parents/parental figures may be either causing or ignoring the abuse of their child; and (d) insist upon resolution and decision-making processes around parenting disputes that are simultaneously respectful and non-aggressive, while not being "soft" on child abuse in its many manifestations.
The widespread disagreement and even scepticism about the nature and extent of child abuse raises important policy issues about how research in the field is conducted and how the results are reported. Furthermore, the many issues that contribute to "muddying the waters" are likely to be especially prominent when families are separating and/or reforming. In the context of family law, McGleughlin, Meyer, and Baker (1999) spelt out a core and instantly recognisable difficulty:
Judges face a critical dilemma when they have to choose between allowing a child to remain in contact with a possibly abusive parent or, conversely, rupturing a parent-child relationship. Additionally, the judge is faced with how best to preserve an accused parent's relationship with the child during the evaluation, which may be a long and arduous process. If the findings of the evaluation are inconclusive, the judge is left with the same dilemma. (pp. 384-5)
It could be argued that the second part of the statement by McGleughlin et al. (1999) is the more critical. Clearly, when allegations of child abuse are made in the context of a family law dispute, there is a risk of adding to an already fraught situation an element of "systems abuse" (Cashmore, Dolby, & Brennan, 2004; Powers, Mooney, & Numo, 1990). Indeed, there is much truth in Bresee, Stearns, Bess, and Packer's (1986) observation that "an allegation of child abuse is clear evidence that the child is at risk, whether or not the allegation can be proved" [italics in original] (p. 561). The key point being made by Breese et al. is that such allegations need to be seen by service providers as in themselves "an indicator of emotional risk for the child" (p. 560).
Perhaps predictably, the most dramatic examples of "the cure [of the intervention] being worse than the disease" are probably found in studies of responses to allegations of child sexual abuse. According to James (2000), only a small percentage of such cases reach the courts.21 But when they do, studies such as that of Eastwood, Patton, and Stacey (1998) have suggested that half the children interviewed would not recommend the process to other victims. These children generally described the investigative processes that both precede and continue through the court hearings as like going through hell and "not worth it".
Most commonly, systems abuse grows not out of a lack of concern, but out of a failure to deal adequately with the sheer complexity of the task. During the negotiation and/or investigative processes, a clear focus is required with respect to multiple questions. What exactly is being alleged? What meanings might be ascribed to allegations that are not completely clear? In what ways do the allegations qualify as "abuse"? What is being denied? What is left unspoken? What holding and protective mechanisms can be put in place once allegations have been made? What sort of investigation is required and how quickly should it occur? To what extent can investigative and supportive functions be provided by the same person or even the same organisation? How should legal and psychosocial perspectives work together in the service of the child and/or in the service of the family?
Frequently, the problems raised by questions such as these are exacerbated by the perception or reality of inadequate resources and/or an inadequate coordination of what resources are available. Thus Powers et al. (1990) referred to systems abuse as normally being perpetuated not by a single individual but by the whole child-care system, a system often stretched beyond its limits.
That the resolution of allegations of family violence (including child abuse and neglect) is a highly challenging and complex task is beyond serious debate. Lacking to date have been reliable data on the extent and range of allegations made when parents make formal applications to the FCoA or FMC, how the allegations are supported, how they are responded to and how they are handled by the family law system.
1.6 The need for pre-reform data in Australia
One indicator of the success of the recent family law reforms will inevitably be the new system's capacity to assess both the veracity and the type of alleged family violence and alleged abuse of children, as well as the presence and type of family violence and abuse that exists in those cases in which, for whatever reason, nothing has been alleged. As a step towards this goal, it is therefore important that reliable information is obtained to help assess the pre- and post-reform terrain in relation to allegations of family violence and child abuse and responses by the other party to these allegations.
In an attempt to gain a better understanding of how family violence and child abuse issues arise in family law proceedings and how these issues are dealt with by the courts, the Australian Institute of Family Studies was commissioned by the Attorney-General's Department to conduct an expedited research project on how allegations are raised and addressed in courts exercising family law jurisdiction.22 This report sets out the results of that research.
Specifically, the project seeks to answer six research questions. These questions relate to applications for children's matters in the Family Court of Australia and the Federal Magistrates Court:
- How often are allegations of family violence and abuse raised and what types of allegations are raised?
- How often is there a denial of the allegation(s) raised and what form do these denials take?
- How are the allegations or refutations dealt with by the court(s)?
- What happens with the allegations and refutations?
- Are there any findings in relation to the veracity of the allegations or the denials?
- What is the impact of allegations on case outcomes?
It must be emphasised at the outset that it was beyond the scope of this study to estimate the prevalence of "deliberately false" allegations of family violence or child abuse in the context of family law proceedings.
1.7 Structure of the report
The remainder of this report is structured as follows. Chapter 2 examines overseas research into family violence in the context of family separation and disputes over children. Chapter 3 examines similar studies conducted in Australia. Chapter 4 describes the study's methodology. Chapters 5, 6 and 7 present the study's findings. The final chapter attempts to bring together the key ideas and findings from the study and examines the implications of these new data for policy, practice and research.
1 In Australia, see the transcript from an episode of SBS Insight ("Family Ties", screened on 15 November 2005), http://news.sbs.com.au/insight/archive.php
2 See also, for example, the claim by Dads on the Air (16 December 2002) that "false allegations [are] rife throughout the Family Court" (www.dadsontheair.com), and a similar claim made on SBS Insight (note 1). Counter-claims against the perception that "false allegations are rampant" often take the form of "fact" sheets aimed at debunking this common "myth". See, for example, Flood (2005a, 2005b), MacDonald (1998) and Wilson (2002).
3 See also the "syndromes" proposed by Blush and Ross (1987) and Turkat (1995).
4 Johnston (2005) is among those who have provided more sophisticated analyses of the phenomenon of the rejection of a parent by a child.
5 The survey was administered to two random samples: (a) 2000 Victorians 18 years and over, and (b) an over-sample of 800 adults from specific culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) backgrounds.
6 This has since become the Family Law Amendment (Shared Parental Responsibility) Act 2006.
7 This definition would normally encompass all violence to children within family situations - also commonly referred to as child abuse. It can be argued, therefore, that in the context of family law, the term "child abuse" is a sub-category of family violence. In practice, however, separate allegations of child abuse and child neglect are made to the Family Court and Federal Magistrates Court. Thus, while acknowledging that such allegations are virtually always a form of family violence, we have found it useful on occasions to focus on them as if they were separate entities.
8 As suggested by the title of this report, our preferred term is "family violence", though we acknowledge that this is not without its problems. (See Tolan, Gorman-Smith, and Henry (2006) for their useful overview of "family violence" as a construct.) In citing work by other researchers, however, we have decided as a general rule to adopt the terminology used by the researchers themselves at the time they were writing.
9 Renzetti, Edleson, and Bergen (2001), for example, pointed to intra-individual theories as well as social psychological theories such as social learning theory, psychopathology, physiological explanations, resource theory and exchange theory.
10 Strictly speaking, Johnson developed a fourth category, which he called "mutual violent control", in which both partners violently attempt to control each other (Johnson & Ferraro 2000). Johnson has theorised, however, that this form of violence is rare and he does not mention it in his more recent article, cited above (Johnson 2005). In the context of the separation of couples, Kelly (2006) has recently suggested a variant on this classification system that appears to overlap with that of Johnson: "situational couple violence (conflict-instigated violence)", "battering or intimate terrorism", "female[-initiated] violence" and "separation-engendered violence". Her classification system departs from that proposed by Ver Steegh (2005), especially around the inclusion of the category of "female violence". "Separation-engendered violence" could be seen as a particular instance of "situational couple violence", although in a family law context, it might be seen as a sub-category deserving special attention.
11 This typology has been suggested by Michael Johnson. The present report also refers from time to time to the work of Janet Johnston and Carol Johnson, each of whom made independent contributions to the field.
12 It is interesting that Johnston and Campbell (1993) acknowledged the interactive nature of this form of violence, while simultaneously continuing to see elements of male control. It is a stance that perhaps more closely reflects the position of Kimmel (2002), described in more detail below.
13 Although, as this chapter notes, the percentage itself remains contested.
14 See the figure on p. 1132 of the article.
15 In support of this statement, Kimmel cited the opening paragraph of the CTS administration instructions (Straus & Gelles, 1990): "No matter how well a couple get along, there are times when they disagree, get annoyed with the other person, or just have spats or fights because they're in a bad mood or tired or for some other reason. They may use many different ways of trying to settle their differences. I'm going to read some things that you and your (spouse/partner) might do when you have an argument. I would like you to tell me how may times …". In Kimmel's view, domestic violence is thus framed as the result of an argument - more to do with being in a bad mood than about control. For an Australian critique of the CTS, see, for example, Bagshaw and Chung (2000).
16 Kimmel noted that: "if she pushes him back after being severely beaten, it would be scored one ‘conflict tactic' for each" (p. 9).
17 The 2005 Crime and Safety Survey (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2005) estimated that 4.8% of the population had been assaulted in the previous 12 months. In all assault cases, 84% of the offenders and 54% of the victims were men. The offender was known to the victim in 47% of cases involving male victims, but in 73% of cases in which the victim was female. Of the women assaulted, 19% were assaulted by a current or former partner.
18 Aries (1962) is generally recognised as the first to attempt a history of childhood. He, like those who have followed, painted a generally bleak picture of the lot of the child.
19 See the evidence of Pizzey (1973) of largely male-initiated systematic controlling violence towards their female partners in the United Kingdom. Similar evidence in Australia did not begin to emerge until the early 1980s (see, for example, Scutt, 1983)
20 Interestingly, there is no reference here to the role of the father.
21 James is not referring to family courts here.
22 Approximately 80% of the work of the Federal Magistrates Court of Australia is in the family law jurisdiction. In addition, more than 40% of family law children's and property applications are now completed in the FMC (Federal Magistrates Court, 2007). The objective of the FMC is "to provide a simpler and more accessible alternative to litigation in the superior courts and to relieve the workload of those courts" (Federal Magistrates Court, 2007). As the new family law system unfolds, and court systems (FMC and FCoA) continue to improve their integration, an important area of investigation would be to explore the nature and prevalence of allegations of family violence and child abuse in both courts.