1.1 Defining family

One of the most potentially oppressive prerogatives is the ability to define others, to establish the nature of reality, to characterise identities, and to identify desirable statuses, which include some and exclude others. (Hartman, 2003, p. 637)

Lodge, Moloney, and Robinson (2011) have suggested that, in simple terms, "family" is probably most commonly thought of in terms of a sense of belonging - usually, though not always, linked by biological and/or marital relationships. Consistent with this idea, McGoldrick and Carter (2003) argued that "families comprise persons who have a shared history and a shared future" (p. 376).

For statistical purposes, the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS, 2011b) considers "family" a little more narrowly:

• couples with or without resident children of any age;
• lone parents with resident children of any age; or
• other families of related adults, such as brothers or sisters living together, where no couple or parent-child relationship exists. (Summary of Findings, Families section, para. 2)

Although the ABS view of family is probably broad enough to deal with a large majority of those in need of family-related services, it does not include individuals (such as long-term carers), who may have no biological or marital relationship to any member of the household, but who may legitimately regard themselves as a family member.

Considered from a service delivery perspective, it is important for a workable definition of family to include those individuals who, in the words of the Child Support Agency's (2011) The Guide, are "fulfilling the function of family" (section 6.10.1). In this respect, the concept of a "domestic relationship", as defined in the NSW Crimes (Domestic and Personal Violence) Act 2007 s5 (see Box 1), has much to offer from a service delivery perspective.¹

Details of the many ways in which Australian families form, define and dissolve themselves are considered in section 1.3. Before addressing this, it is useful to reflect briefly on notions of family "normality".

1.2 Families and "normality"

Reflecting on "changing families in a changing world", Walsh (2003a) cited the oft-quoted observation from Tolstoy that while "all happy families are alike, every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way" (p.3). Walsh interpreted this statement to mean that for Tolstoy, family happiness and the successful raising of children was achieved at the cost of social conformity.

Walsh (2003a) also cited a less well-known observation of Nabokov that appears to turn Tolstoy's reflection on its head. According to Nabokov, "all happy families are more or less dissimilar; all unhappy families are more or less alike" (p. 3). Reflecting on 21 years of research into "normal" family processes, Walsh suggested that over this period, families have become increasingly complex. She noted that, "despite the dire predictions of family demise by single model advocates, it appears that Nabokov got it right" (p. 3).

Consistent with this observation, Epstein, Ryan, Bishop, Miller, and Keitner (2003) suggested that:

to attempt to arrive at a definition of a healthy or normal family may seem to be - or may actually be - a fool's errand [because] when we attempt to describe a normal family, the variables to consider multiply by quantum leaps. (p. 581)

This may be why a systematic search for definitions of the normal family by Epstein and his colleagues (2003) revealed a pattern not of inclusive statements but of exclusionary criteria. In other words, Epstein et al. found that "normal" families were those that were "not reconstituted", "not alcoholic" etc. In similar vein, Walsh (2003a) examined the assumptions behind definitions of "normal" families and the limitations that these assumptions imply. She suggested that normal families are variously seen as: asymptomatic, typical, average, ideal, or having pre-defined and agreed-upon "healthy" transactions and processes.

According to Walsh (2003a, 2003b), each of these categories of normality reflects a particular tradition that has been grafted on to analyses of family functioning. Thus, the idea that a normal family is one that is "asymptomatic" has its origins in the medical/psychiatric sphere.² But the literature would suggest that only a minority of families fall into this category. Kleinman (1988), for example, found that at any given time, 75% of individuals are experiencing at least some symptoms of physical or psychological distress; while pioneering family therapist Minuchin (1974) suggested that no family is problem-free. Walsh's key point here was that are obvious dangers in equating family normality merely with an absence of problems or symptoms (Walsh, 2003b).

Walsh (2003b) also suggested that the concepts of a "typical" or "average" family derive mainly from (and perhaps serve the needs of) social science researchers and statisticians. In this model, families deviating significantly from the mid-range of a normal distribution are, of course, statistically aberrant. Walsh suggested, however, that it is not uncommon for this "deviance" to take on a more personalised meaning and to become conflated with the pathologising of difference.

One mechanism for the pathologising of difference can be the conflation between "typical/average" and "ideal" families. Walsh (2003a) was especially concerned with what she saw as a tendency to derive healthy (idealised) standards in families "from clinical theory based on inference from disturbed cases" (p. 6).

If, as Walsh (2003a) proposed, Nabokov was correct in suggesting that all happy families are more or less dissimilar, is it nonetheless possible to identify what is "normal"? There is considerable consensus in the literature that a good indicator of healthy families is their capacity to negotiate transitions and that a good framework for understanding how families negotiate their transitions across life events is a systemic one.

Carr (2006) defined a "system" as:

a complex rule-governed organisation of interacting parts, the properties of which transcend the sum of the properties of the parts, and which is surrounded by a boundary that regulates the flow of information and energy in and out of the system. Family systems are complex rule-governed organisations of family members and their interrelationships. The properties of a family cannot be predicted from information about each of the family members only [emphasis added]. Family relationships are central to the overall functioning of a family. (p. 73)

A systemic approach to understanding family functioning was first articulated by professionals (psychiatrists, psychologists, social workers and counsellors, among others) who, in the 1950s, were struggling both to make sense of and have a positive impact on deviant behaviour in children. The virtually unchallenged view prior to the 1950s was that behavioural problems were essentially manifestations of individual disorders and therefore required individual therapeutic intervention. The core insight that shifted professionals towards the framing of problems in family systemic terms was recognition that at the heart of many family problems were interpersonal rather than intrapersonal difficulties. This insight had its origins in pioneering work by therapists such as John Bell in the United States and John Bowlby (better known for his work on attachment theory) in the United Kingdom. Carr (2006) described John Bell's original description of a boy expelled from school as follows:

In the face of strong resistance from established practice and the parents of the boy, who saw the difficulties as intrinsic to the child, Bell conducted a series of family sessions. From these he found that the boy, an adopted child, had developed behaviour problems as his parents' relationship had gradually deteriorated. The deterioration occurred when the father developed an alcohol problem and this in turn because of the father's disappointment in the difficulty his wife had in caring for the child. She was perfectionist and harboured strong feelings of hostility towards the boy because of his failure to meet her perfectionist standards. Bell's therapy focused on ameliorating the family's relationship problems, not in interpreting the boy's intra-psychic fantasies, the standard approach that would have been taken in the late 1950s. (p. 49)

Several mainstream models of family therapy have emerged since that time, but the interpersonal emphasis has largely remained. Rather than assume that the primary cause of behaviour lies within an individual, systemic family therapists focus on interactions and "feedback loops" between family members and between families and the "outside world". Importantly from a systemic perspective, the significance of family structure lies not in the structure itself, but in the impacts the structure may be having on intra-familial relationships and on how well or how poorly the structure permits engagement with the outside world.

Thus, the fact that there are two children of comparable age in a blended family is not of special interest in itself. But it becomes of interest if, for example, it contributes to strained relations or confusion between the children themselves or their siblings or the parents. In addition, different family types present themselves to, and are perceived by, external systems such as other families, schools or services in different ways. In sending an invitation to a concert to "mothers and fathers", for example, a school might inadvertently exclude a child who is being parented by grandparents or by lesbian mothers. Or a service might not be available to a family because their child's non-biological parent is not listed on their birth certificate.

This brings us back to the definition of "family" and the determination of what is "normal". It is important for professionals and for others who interact with families to appreciate the structural aspects of how families form, sustain, dissolve and re-form themselves and hand over to the next generation. The significance of this understanding lies not in the fact that one structure is inherently superior to or more "normal" than another. Rather, some family structures, such as blended families and separated families, have the potential to offer significant support to their members over the life course; but they may be more vulnerable in other areas such as financial survival, which may in turn exacerbate any interpersonal difficulties.

The way in which different family structures interact with one another and with institutions such as schools, government and services will open up or diminish opportunities; again, this may affect internal family relationships.

Family type is an important barometer of social and technological change; it both signals and influences changing social mores; and it both responds to and frequently demands more of developing technologies, such as advances in in-vitro fertilisation.

The next section examines how partnerships and families are formed, dissolved and re-formed in Australia. These data form an important backdrop for understanding how contemporary families negotiate life events.

1.3 Family formation, dissolution and re-formation in Australia

Marked changes have occurred in rates of first-time marriages for different age groups (i.e., the number of people who marry for the first time per 1,000 never-married people of the same age). Marriage rates increased gradually in the first 70 years of the 20th century, while age at first marriage fell, except during the Great Depression of the 1930s when marriage was often postponed (ABS, 2000b, 2002b, 2005). The steepest decline in age at marriage occurred from World War II to the 1970s. These trends are evident in Figures 1a and 1b, which depict first marriage rates per 1,000 never-married men and women in different age groups in 1921, 1970 and 2001.³

Figure 1a: Age at first marriage, men, 1921, 1970 and 2001

Source: ABS (2000b, 2002b, 2005)

Figure 1b: Age at first marriage, women, 1921, 1970 and 2001

Source: ABS (2000b, 2002b, 2005)

In 1921, women were most likely to marry for the first time when in their early and late twenties (applying to 128 and 139 women per 1,000 never-married women in these respective age groups), and men were most likely to marry when in their late twenties and early thirties (applying to 136 and 110 per 1,000 never-married men in these respective age groups). By 1970, the proportion of men and women marrying when in their early twenties had increased substantially, with women being considerably more likely to marry at this age than when in their late twenties (290 and 188 per 1,000 respectively), and with the first marriage rate for men in their early twenties being almost as high as that for men in their late twenties (172 and 182 per 1,000 respectively). By 2001, men and women were most commonly first getting married when in their late twenties or early thirties, with similar proportions of men marrying during these two ages (67 and 63 per 1,000 respectively), but with women being more likely to enter marriage when in their late twenties than early thirties (83 and 65 per 1,000 respectively).

Thus, marrying before the age of 25 is now fairly uncommon for both men and women. Furthermore, the timing of marriage is now more diverse than in the earlier periods, as reflected in the relatively "flat" pattern of age-related marriage rates for 2001, apparent in Figures 1a and 1b.

Finally, it can be seen that the first-time marriage rates across all ages are lower for 2001 than for the other periods shown. The fall in first marriage was the most striking for men and women aged 20-24 years, followed by those aged 25-29 years. While Figures 1a and 1b show a snapshot of first marriage rates at different times, the overall decline in the marriage rate has been persistent over the three decades to 2001. In other words, the proportion of people of all ages who had never been married in 2001 was higher than it was not only during the "marriage boom" period, but also in 1921.

The relatively early and high rate of marriage in the mid-20th century has been attributed to the booming post-World War II economy, along with increasing social pressure for marriage. Such pressure was fed by the marriage boom itself, which strengthened norms to not only get married but also to marry young. This was coupled with a continuing disapproval of extramarital sex and unmarried mothers (Gilding, 2001; McDonald, 1984, 1995). In addition, the introduction of the contraceptive pill in 1961, and its subsequent cost-reducing inclusion on the Pharmaceutical Benefits List in 1972, initially supported early marriages, because almost totally reliable contraception gave couples much greater opportunities than in the past to disconnect the decision to marry (and thus be sexually active without censure) from the decision to have children. Women could therefore continue working after marriage - as long as their employer accepted married women. As Carmichael (1984) explained: "the pill rendered marriage more a licence for cohabitation and less a declaration of intent to become parents" (p. 127).

1.3.1 The rise in cohabitation

A logical extension of Carmichael's (1984) observation is that the contraceptive pill also provided couples with opportunities to live together without marrying. As increasing numbers of couples followed this pathway, the strong social condemnation about premarital sexual relationships gradually weakened (de Vaus, 1997), thereby encouraging the more conventional to follow suit.⁴

Despite this, even today, the vast majority of couples who live together are married to each other. Of all heterosexual couples living together, the proportion who cohabit appear to have increased from less than 1% in 1971 to nearly 6% in 1986, and 15% in 2006 (ABS, 1995a, 2007a; Carmichael, 1995; Santow & Bracher, 1994). Therefore, although marriage has been losing its accuracy as an indicator of the prevalence of partnerships, nearly nine in ten couples are nevertheless married to each other.

At the same time, as Figure 2 demonstrates, the prevalence of marriage is not a useful indicator of the prevalence of partnerships among those in younger age groups. While the vast majority of men and women under 25 years old do not have partners, those who do are more likely to be cohabiting than married (82% vs 18% of partnered individuals under 20 years old, and 61% vs 39% of those aged 20-24 years). As age increases beyond 25 years, marriage increasingly dominates.

Figure 2: Persons living with a partner, cohabiting or married, by age, 2006

Note: Based on place of usual residence.

Source: ABS (2007a)

1.3.2 Changing patterns of partnership formation

Figure 3, which focuses on trends for women, shows that first unions have increasingly commenced with cohabitation rather than marriage. Almost all of the women who were born before 1942 married at the outset, and for those born in 1952-61, marriage was still the more common mode of commencing a union (applying to 60%). However, cohabitation was the more common gateway to union formation for women who were born in 1962-1971 (56%), while for the most recent cohort (born from 1972 onwards), unions commencing with cohabitation were more than twice as likely as unions commencing with marriage (69% vs 31%).

Figure 3: First couple relationships, women, commenced with marriage or cohabitation, by year of birth

Source: Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA), Negotiating the Life Course (ANU), Australian Life Course Survey (AIFS)⁵

In addition, cohabitation is now the most common pathway to marriage, applying to 79% of people who married in 2010, compared with only 16% in 1975 (ABS, 1995b, 2011c). Consistent with this trend, a national Australian survey conducted in the late 1980s suggested that around half the population recommended that couples should live together before they married, but few recommended cohabitation in the absence of any intention to marry (McDonald, 1995).

1.3.3 Barriers to partnering

Figures 4a and 4b suggest that, across all five-year age groups between 20 and 49 years, the proportion of unpartnered people increased between 1976 and 2006. That is, the increase in the rate of cohabitation has not been large enough to compensate for the decrease in the marriage rate. (While the increase in the unpartnered rates between 1976 and 1996 appears to be greater than the increase that occurred between 1996 and 2006, note that the first period spans twenty years while the second period spans ten years.)

Figure 4a: Proportion of men living without a partner, by age, 1976, 1996 and 2006

Sources: 1976, 1996 and 2006 Census

Figure 4b: Proportion of women living without a partner, by age, 1976, 1996 and 2006

Sources: 1976, 1996 and 2006 Census

These trends appear to be closely linked with changes in the labour market and economy. In the 1980s and 1990s, the demands for a skilled workforce increased. Low-skilled yet relatively highly paid and secure jobs available to early school leavers virtually disappeared and were replaced by jobs entailing fixed-term contracts and part-time or casual hours, thereby providing limited economic security (McDonald, 2000; Saunders, 2001). McDonald (2001) argued that this era of job insecurity was accompanied by a strong economic cycle of "booms and busts" and rising or fluctuating house prices, which combined to encourage young people to invest in education. Such trends result in delays in partnership formation.

Birrell et al. (2004) concluded that these forces created a growing divide between the "haves" and the "have-nots". Their analysis suggests that much of the decline in overall partnering has occurred among those with no post-school qualifications, as such people have poor job prospects.

In addition, women's increased participation in tertiary education has increased their chances of achieving financial self-sufficiency and self-fulfillment outside any partnership. Although young people may prefer to be partnered, they may be more cautious about taking this step, wishing to explore other options before committing to a partnership, and/or they may prefer to have no relationship rather than one that fails to meet their emotional needs (see, for example, Qu & Soriano, 2004).

Qu and Soriano (2004) identified several barriers to partnership formation. Consistent with arguments in the literature suggesting an increased emphasis on the quality of relationships (Clulow, 1995; Giddens, 1992; McDonald, 1984), the explanations provided by young adults often highlighted the difficulty of finding a partner who could meet their emotional needs. The widespread fragility of relationships also led them to exercise caution, while time pressures linked with study and/or work, including career development, were also commonly mentioned reasons behind limited opportunities to find a partner. Other problems highlighted were the scarcity of suitable places for meeting people, particularly for those living in rural areas, and, for lone mothers, the difficulties of having children on their own, which meant that their parenting responsibilities limited their opportunities to meet people and some of them worried about the impact of partnering on their children.

As discussed in section 1.3.4, most lone mothers have, at some stage, lived with the father of their child. This highlights the fact that the prevalence of unpartnered people in any single year (shown in Figures 4a and 4b) only represents a snapshot that does not take account of any past transitions in and out of relationships.

1.3.4 Separation and divorce

The increase in the divorce rate over the last 40 years represents one of the most spectacular family-related trends of the 20th century. Radical changes in divorce legislation and other social changes played important roles in this development (see Carmichael & McDonald, 1987; Nicholson & Harrison, 2000; Parker, Parkinson & Behrens, 1999).

Before the Matrimonial Causes Act 1959 (Cth) came into operation in 1961, divorce legislation was the responsibility of the state and territory governments. The grounds for divorce were almost exclusively "fault-based", but varied across the states and territories, with offences being added over the years. Desertion was the most frequently used ground for divorce, followed by adultery (Coughlan, 1957).

With the establishment of uniform legislation in 1961, it was still necessary to prove fault in order to obtain a divorce, or to prove a separation of at least five years. As before, desertion remained the most commonly used ground for divorce, followed by adultery. Separation became the third most commonly used ground, suggesting that most unhappily married people who wished to divorce opted for a process that required them to prove fault, rather than wait for five years.

However, the federal government came under increasing social pressure to introduce divorce legislation that was not fault-based. This pressure led to the introduction of the Family Law Act 1975 (Cth), which came into force in 1976. The Act allowed divorce to be based on just one ground - "irretrievable breakdown" - as measured by at least 12 months' separation.

In addition, the Child Support Scheme, phased in over 1988 and 1989, substantially increased the amount, regularity and predictability of financial support from non-resident parents (typically fathers) to the children. These factors, along with real increases in social security payments and allowances (Harding & Szukalska, 2000) and a rise in the workforce participation of mothers, have led to higher living standards for lone mothers and their children, providing greater scope for many more mothers who were unhappy with their marriages to proceed with divorce.

The impact of these legislative and other changes on divorce (and thus remarriage) has been dramatic, as shown in Figure 5. The crude divorce rate (that is, the number of divorces per 1,000 resident population) was very low for most of the 20th century. There was a slight rise after World War II, partly reflecting the instability of hasty wartime marriages and the disruptive effects of the war on marriage (Carmichael & McDonald, 1987; Coughlan, 1957). The divorce rate then fell for several years and began rising again in the late 1960s.

Figure 5: Crude divorce rate and number of divorces, 1901-2010

Sources: ABS. (various years). Marriages and divorces (Cat. No. 3310.0)

A spectacular rise in the divorce rate occurred in 1976, as the backlog of long-term separations was formalised and some divorces were brought forward. Not surprisingly, the rate then subsided, but has remained much higher than it was before the Act came into operation. Between 2007 and 2010, the crude divorce rate has remained at 2.2 to 2.3 - the lowest rate since the Act came into operation, having fluctuated at a higher rate (2.5 to 2.9) between 1978 and 2006.

The crude divorce rate is based on the entire population, including those who are too young to marry. Another measure of the divorce rate is the number of divorces per 1,000 married women. Since 1976, rates were lower in the late 1980s (between 10.6 and 10.9), but then climbed fairly steadily from 11.8 in 1991 to 13.2 in 1996. Between 1997 and 2006, they fluctuated between 12.0 and 13.5 (ABS, 2007b).⁶

What proportion of marriages seem likely to end in divorce? The answer to this question depends on the estimation method adopted. Based on current levels of marriage, divorce, remarriage, widowing and mortality, the ABS estimates that one-third of marriages are likely to end in divorce (ABS, 2001b). However, as noted above, the divorce rate by definition fails to capture outcomes of cohabitation. Cohabitation tends to be short-term; for example, only 9% of those whose cohabitation commenced in the early 1990s were still cohabiting with the same partner by 2001 (7-11 years later) (de Vaus, 2004). This raises an important question: To what extent is the short duration of cohabitation explained by the above-noted change in the pathway to marriage? That is, what proportion of cohabitations end in marriage rather than separation?

Figure 6 shows the proportions of first relationships that began with cohabitation and ended in marriage or separation for those who began cohabiting during different years. Of those whose first unions commenced in the early 1970s, 63% had married within five years and 25% had separated. But in more recent times, the probability of cohabitation converting to marriage has fallen progressively, and the probability of the relationship ending in separation has increased. Of those who commenced cohabiting in the early 1990s, the probabilities of separation or marriage occurring within five years were almost equal. These statistics highlight the fact that, just as the marriage rate is no longer a reasonable proxy for the rate of unions (most particularly for the union rate among young adults), divorce statistics have become progressively less useful as a reflection of relationship breakdown trends.

Figure 6: Outcomes of cohabitation after five years, by year first began cohabiting

Note: Cohabitation as a first union for one or both partners.

Source: Weston, Qu, & de Vaus (2008), based on HILDA Survey, Wave 1

1.3.5 Re-partnering

For the first half of the 20th century, re-partnering almost exclusively involved remarriage following widowhood and were fairly uncommon. For instance, in 1911 and 1920, only 10-11% of marriages represented a remarriage for one or both parties - a trend that increased to only 17% in the mid-1950s. By 1980, on the other hand, 32% of marriages represented a remarriage for the bride and/or groom, with the majority of one or both parties being divorcees. This is not surprising given that the size of the divorced population had increased with the introduction of the Family Law Act 1975 (Cth) (as discussed above). The proportion of marriages where at least one party was previously married has declined slightly since 1980 (29% in 2002, compared with 32% in 1980).

Consistent with recent trends for first-marriage rates, remarriage rates following divorce have fallen for both men and women (Figure 7). Based on the remarriage rates, the proportion of divorced men who would remarry fell from 71% in the late 1980s to 58% in the late 1990s. For women, the proportion fell from 62% to 49% over the same period (ABS, 2001b).

Figure 7: Proportion of divorcees remarrying, by gender

Source: ABS (2001b)

The remarriage rate fails to capture the complete picture of post-divorce union formation, for substantial numbers of divorced men and women go on to cohabit instead. Figure 8 suggests that about one in five divorced men and women less than 55 years old were cohabiting in 2009.

Figure 8: Current relationship status of divorced men and women aged under 55 years, 2009

Source: HILDA, Wave 9 (2009)

Taken together, the above sets of trends suggest that marriage rates can no longer be relied upon to gauge partnership rates, especially among younger Australians and the divorced population, due to the significant increase in cohabitation among these groups. Not only have marriage rates fallen in recent decades, but there is also greater variation in the timing of first marriages today than in the past, and the average age of first marriage is now higher than it was throughout the twentieth century. Finally, rates of cohabitation have now overtaken marriage rates among those under the age of 25 years.

1.3.6 Relationship fragility

A number of interacting factors have contributed to the apparent increase in the fragility of relationships. Some of these relate to the weakening of constraints on separation, including the introduction of 12 months' separation as the only grounds needed for divorce, and improvements in the living standards of lone mothers (noted above), along with the diminished stigma attached to divorce and lone parenting (see, for example, de Vaus, 1997).

Several authors have also argued that in societies that provide opportunities for pursuing productive, enjoyable lives outside of marriage, the continuation of a marriage is largely contingent on the strength of the emotional bond between the spouses. According to this view, individuals tend to expect their relationships to provide them with considerable intimacy, mutuality, happiness and self-fulfillment (see Wolcott & Hughes, 1999). As Wolcott and Hughes pointed out, the achievement of such expectations can be difficult to maintain as the reality of everyday life unfolds (with wives being more likely to initiate separation than husbands). As these authors explain, other structural factors, including intensified work pressures and increased employment insecurity, may also contribute to marriage breakdown.

A number of other factors appear to increase the chance of divorce, including young age at marriage, premarital pregnancy, premarital cohabitation,⁷ low income, non-traditional family values, and mental illness (see Wolcott & Hughes, 1999). Some of these are closely connected (e.g., early marriage and low income). Not surprisingly, however, Wolcott and Hughes found that the most common reasons people give for their marriage breakdown relate to the quality of the relationship itself or emotional/personality factors that affect the relationship (e.g., communication difficulties, loss of love, "drifting apart" and growing incompatibility, conflict, infidelity, and emotional/personality problems or mental illness).

Researchers have paid far less attention to factors linked with the increased fragility of cohabiting relationships. One possibility for this is that couples have started living together at an earlier stage in their relationship than in the past. Allied with this issue is that "cohabitation" can have a variety of meanings, including: a trial marriage, a period before an intended marriage, an arrangement that may continue indefinitely but would convert to marriage if and when each partner wanted a child, a "no-strings-attached" relationship, or a relationship with no clear plans (where the parties are just "taking it one day at a time"). Partners may differ in their interpretation of the relationship, and their interpretation may well change. To the extent that cohabitation is treated as a trial marriage, the partners may consider subsequent separation (or marriage) as a reflection that their cohabiting experience had achieved its purposes.

However, it has also been argued that some couples who perceive problems in the cohabiting relationship may decide to marry to "save" their relationship (e.g., Schoen, 1992; Weston, Qu & de Vaus 2005a). In other words, the cohabitating experience may systematically lead to self-selection into marriage of some unsuitable matches (although the extent to which this response to problematic relationships occurs is unknown). But why would people decide to "save" an unhappy relationship? Possible reasons include the already long-term investment in the cohabiting relationship and difficulty of leaving, a desire to attain the status of marriage or to have children in marriage, and age-related concerns about fertility loss and the narrowing marriage market.

In Australia, Weston, Qu and de Vaus (2005b) examined the pathways of cohabiting couples over a two-year period,⁸ involving three waves of survey data. Consistent with previous research on factors contributing to divorce, this analysis suggested that cohabiting couples had an increased chance of separation if they had a low combined income and if the woman or both partners was not entirely satisfied with the relationship. In addition, the risk of separation increased if one partner wanted to have a child and the other did not - especially if it was the male partner who wanted the child. The probability of marriage, on the other hand, increased where the male partner alone had a university degree, where both partners expressed high satisfaction with the relationship, or where a pregnancy or birth had taken place during the previous two years.

These trends need to be considered tentative, for no single study is definitive. A large-scale longitudinal study of relationships that includes couples who are cohabiting is needed to throw light on the meaning of cohabitation for each partner, the ways in which these meanings may change, and the various factors (including couple dynamics) that interact to influence outcomes of cohabitation.

Various models have been developed to explain the processes linked with relationship breakdown. For example, Karney and Bradbury (1995) argued that the personal vulnerabilities and resources, including personality traits, of each partner interact with stressful events and "adaptive processes" (modes of handling conflict, communication styles, level of supportiveness, etc.). According to this model, adaptive processes in turn influence the way in which the relationship is evaluated, which then helps shape "the next step". Although Karney and Bradbury focused on divorce, their model is relevant to cohabitation, where "the next step" may be marriage, separation, or continuation of the cohabitation.

Finally, a framework for understanding relationship breakdown can be found in social exchange theory, which considers the stability of the relationship to be strongly influenced by a monitoring process involving the weighing up of the costs and benefits of the relationship, barriers to leaving, and the presence of any attractive alternatives (see, for example, Levinger, 1979).

1.3.7 Partnership trends and fertility

Trends in partnership formation and dissolution have implications for other aspects of family life. For example, the total fertility rate⁹ was lower in 2004 than it was during the Great Depression of the 1930s (1.77 in 2004, compared with 2.11 in 1934), with the lowest rate recorded being in 2001 (1.73).¹⁰ Although partnership trends were not the only reasons behind this decline, they were clearly important contributors.

While the proportion of babies born outside marriage has increased, particularly in the last three decades (from 12% in 1980 to 34% in 2008-10), babies born outside marriage are more likely to be born to women who are living with the baby's father rather than apart (ABS, 1982, 2011a).¹¹ The importance of partnership status for fertility is reflected in the fact that the "baby boom", which began after World War II, was really a "marriage boom", as fertility rates within marriage changed little (Ruzicka & Caldwell, 1982). By 1961, the total fertility rate was the highest for the 20th century (3.55), but 15 years later, it had for the first time fallen below replacement level (currently 2.06).

While the fall in fertility in the 1920s and early 1930s applied to virtually all age groups of women, the fall in recent decades has been restricted to those under the age of 30 years, with the most spectacular rise, then fall, occurring for women in their early 20s. The proportion of women in their 30s giving birth to a child has increased in recent decades, although women in their late 30s are still less likely to have had a child compared with women of this age in the 1920s (ABS, 2011a).¹²

However, women who currently give birth when at least 30 years old are increasingly likely to be new mothers (42% in 2008, compared with 28% in 1993) (Laws, Li, & Sullivan, 2010; ABS, 2001a). In other words, as Jain and McDonald (1997) noted, women's total childbearing period has shortened.

Instability of relationships not only contributes to delays in childbearing and increases the risk of childlessness but may also cut short the time women with partners have for bearing children. The relationship between partnership status and stability and fertility intentions is suggested in a study spanning 10 years, conducted by the Australian Institute of Family Studies (Qu, Weston, & Kilmartin, 2000).¹³ Fifty-seven per cent of those who reported in Wave 1 of the study that they intended to have children had become parents within the following 10 years, compared with 35-36% of those who did not intend to have children or who expressed uncertainty about this issue. Those who had separated from their partner between waves were the most likely to have changed their mind and to no longer intend having children, followed by those who had been continuously single. Nevertheless, such reversals of intention for the continuously single was more likely for the older than younger sample members. Intentions not to have children were more likely to be reversed by single respondents who subsequently re-partnered than by respondents who remained with the same partner over the decade. Thus, the evidence suggests that an overall increase in partnership break-ups is likely to increase the rate of childlessness. Therefore, it is likely that intervention strategies that successfully enhance the quality of relationships, and thereby decrease separation rates of both married and cohabiting couples, may have the added advantage of helping couples who want a child or more children to achieve their aims.

Although not so closely linked with partnership patterns, it is worth noting that in the Australian Temperament Project, 77% of 17-18 year olds indicated that they wanted to have children, while 18% indicated that they had not thought about this matter. Only 5% reported no desire to become a parent (Smart, 2002). Overall, however, the likelihood of childlessness has increased. For example, the ABS (2002a) projected that 24% of women who were in their childbearing years in 2002 would never have children.¹⁴

1.4 Mainstream and emerging family structures

1.4.1 Overview

Trends in partnership formation and stability, along with associated trends in the fertility rate, have contributed to the changing profile of Australian households and families. Although families may clearly extend across households, for the purposes of monitoring family types, the ABS (2010) defines families as "two or more persons, one of whom is at least 15 years of age, who are related by blood, marriage (registered or de facto), adoption, step or fostering, and who are usually resident in the same household". As Hugo (2001) pointed out, trends in family types can only be captured for recent decades, when Census data were collated on the basis of the family unit.

Figure 9 shows that couples with dependent children have lost their dominance. In 1976, almost half the households were couple families with dependent children (48%) and only 28% were couples living with no children (dependent or otherwise), but in 2006, these two types of families were represented in equal proportions (37%). In addition, the proportion of one-parent families with dependent children had increased from 7% to 11%, while the proportion of couples living with non-dependent children had decreased from 11% to 8%.

Figure 9: Distribution of family types, 1976-2006

Note: "Other families" includes one-parent families with non-dependent children, and non-classifiable families, such as brothers and sisters.

Source: ABS (2001c, 2007a)

According to ABS (2004) projections, couple families living without children will become more prevalent than those with children, with the former accounting for 41-49% of all families in 2026, and couples with children representing 30-42%. Such trends can be explained in terms of the large group of "baby boomers" who will no longer be living with their children and the increase in the number of couples who remain childless.

In addition, it should be noted that the traditional approach to studying household families does not capture the fact that some households contain more than two generations and/or siblings, aunts or uncles of the parents, or cousins of one of the generations. For instance, a grandparent may live with an adult child, or in a "granny flat" on the property of their adult child, while in other cases a lone-parent family may move to live with the children's grandparents.¹⁵ In each of three surveys conducted by the ABS in 1997, 2003 and 2006-07, multi-family households - including extended households - accounted for 3-4% of all family households (ABS, 2008). Cultures also can define families in very different ways, as Morphy (2006) has shown in considering Indigenous Australians' family relationship systems.

1.4.2 Grandparent families

The term "grandparent families" refers to families in which grandparents are the guardians or main carers of their grandchildren aged less than 18 years who are living with them. Such families represented only 0.2% of all families in 2006-07, with the number during this period being lower than in 2003 (14,000 vs 23,000) (ABS, 2008). However, the often tragic circumstances that led to such situations (e.g., mental health problems or substance abuse by the children's parents) and the multi-faceted difficulties that are often experienced within these families, has resulted in increased attention being paid to the needs of these families (e.g., Dunne & Kettler, 2008; Fitzpatrick & Reeve, 2003; Ochiltree, 2006).

1.4.3 Step- and blended families

Among families with children aged under 18 years old in 2006-07, 4% were step-families and 3% were blended families. Here, a step-family is formed when a parent re-partners and there is at least one child who is a step-child to one of the partners and there are no children born of, or adopted by, the couple. Blended families, on the other hand, include at least one step-child and at least one child born of, or adopted by, the couple. The representation of such families appears to have changed little since at least 1997 (ABS, 2008).

It is beyond the scope of this document to explore the issue of step-parenting in any depth. However, there is ample evidence that the introduction of step-parents creates many challenges that vary according to such factors as: the duration of separation; the amount of time a partner had been single; the timing of separation and re-partnering in the child's life; and, the gender "match" of the child and step-parent. Remarriages tend to be more fragile than first marriages, and some overseas studies suggest that: (a) this can largely be explained by the existence of step-children (see Coleman, Ganong & Fine, 2000); and (b) the more changes in their resident parents' relationship status, the greater is the chance of negative outcomes for the children, in terms of psychosocial adjustment, academic achievement and relationship stability in adulthood (Cherlin, 2008; Crowder & Teachman, 2004).

1.4.4 Families with children born through surrogacy or donated sperm/eggs

Advances in reproductive technologies have assisted in the creation of family arrangements that would have been far less usual and in some cases impossible in the past. Gilding (2001) argued that such technological developments will continue, as in the past, to help shape the scale and scope of family change. Reproductive technologies have opened up considerably more options for a range of individuals, such as aspiring same-sex parents (see below) and parents with fertility problems. But it is difficult to predict what impact arrangements that result from reproductive technology will have on the maturational and transitional tasks of family members and on the identity formation of the children in particular. Perhaps the quality of the relationships and the services and systems that support this will remain the key issue. In that sense, families formed as a result of reproductive technologies may be of less relevance as a family "type" than, say, separated families, or families with a "fly in-fly out" work arrangement, in which relationships are inevitably put under time and other constraints.

On the other hand, and somewhat paradoxically, as medical technology advances in other areas, it may be increasingly important to have access to our own genetic history, something not precluded by reproductive technology, but something not always given priority in the past.

1.4.5 Same-sex couples

Little is known about the prevalence of same-sex relationships and individuals with a homosexual orientation in Australia. In the 2006 Census, fewer than 1% of couples (0.6%) were identified as being in a same-sex relationship (ABS, 2007a). However, this may represent a considerable underestimate of the prevalence of sample-sex couples, given that such couples may be reluctant to disclose the nature of their relationship. The 2001 Census showed slightly more same-sex male than female couples (de Vaus, 2004), and this trend is also reflected in the 2006 Census data.

Compared with those in heterosexual relationships, individuals in same-sex relationships appear to be younger and better educated, seem more likely to hold professional occupations and to have no religious affiliation (de Vaus, 2004). However, it is possible that such apparent differences may result at least partly from a greater willingness of those who share such characteristics to disclose their relationship, compared with others in same-sex relationships. As a number of researchers have noted (e.g., McNair, Dempsey, Wise, & Perlesz, 2002; Perlesz et al., 2006), the meagre research so far conducted tends to be based on small, unrepresentative samples, but highlights the diversity of processes within these families and the greater importance of family process than form on the wellbeing of family members.

1.4.6 Living apart together

Another form of couple relationship, called "living apart together" (LAT), has been observed by social scientists in recent decades. Definitional variations suggest that LAT is a "fuzzy" and difficult to identify family form. For example, definitions vary in terms of whether the couple may be married, with Strohm, Seltzer, Cochran, and Mays (2009) defining these relationships as:

Intimate relationships between unmarried partners who live in separate households but identify themselves as part of a couple. These relationships are sometimes referred to as "non-residential partnerships". (p. 178)

Levin and Trost (1999), on the other hand, treated married couples living in two households as being in LAT relationships. In addition, each partner may have different ideas about whether they are living in the same home as the other partner, in two homes, or in the home in which the other partner does not live.

Such different ideas may stem from having different reasons for living apart together in the first place. For example, some couples in an intimate relationship may not yet feel ready emotionally or financially to move in together, and some couples may live in separate households to pursue employment in different locations or to maintain greater autonomy than would otherwise be possible. One partner may move to a new location in order to gain employment, with the other partner following if and when the leaver has become established and is certain that the decision to move is appropriate. The reasons tend to vary according to the age of the partners (e.g., young people who are still living in the parental home, compared with older widowed or divorced individuals who have already established their separate dwellings) (Strohm et al., 2009).

Wave 5 of the HILDA survey suggests that, in 2005, 1% of married people under 65 years and 19% of unmarried people of this age who were in an intimate, ongoing relationship spent less than half the time living with their spouse or partner.

1.4.7 Living alone

Finally, although the focus in this review is on trends that are obviously "family-related", it is important to recognise that the transition to and from living alone is a common family-related transition - an issue that is well demonstrated by Australian research conducted by de Vaus and Qu (2011). Their research, which investigated reasons for living alone, appears to be unique from an international perspective. They showed that, except for elderly people who are widowed, living alone tends to be a short-term arrangement and that across all age groups, living alone does not usually mean "being alone". The evidence is that family is an important factor in the world of most people who live alone.

De Vaus and Qu's (2011) research highlighted the fact that families exist across household boundaries - an issue that is also reflected in research on: (a) the nature and direction of support that occurs between older people and their adult children (e.g., Hayes, Qu, Weston & Baxter, 2011); and (b) families in which the parents have separated (e.g., Qu & Weston, 2010).

The first section of this chapter is concerned with individual identity development. The assumption behind this section is that the range of available responses of individuals to life events is influenced by their own psychosocial development. The second section is concerned with responses to loss. It will be argued in Chapter 4 that, while some life events and the transitions they induce represent an element of potential gain, they also entail an element of loss. Sometimes the loss is profound; sometimes it is barely in focus. However, understanding the dynamic of human loss is also an important factor in understanding our capacity to respond to life events. The third section summarises the normal tasks of successful family functioning.

3.1 Individual psychosocial development

Erikson (1959) has provided the most widely used model of individual identity development. Erikson's model attempted to pinpoint personal dilemmas that must be resolved at various stages of development. Resolution of these dilemmas affects an individual's capacity to make effective transitions at both a personal level and within the family. The model is summarised in modified form (see Newman & Newman, 2003) in Table 1.

Note: * Additions to Erikson's original model suggested by Newman & Newman (2003).

Source: Adapted from Erikson (1959) and Newman & Newman (2003)

3.2 The human experience of loss

The well-researched process of responding to unambiguous loss has been summarised by Carr (2006) (see Table 2). These reactions to bereavement and terminal illness - probably the most extreme forms of loss - have parallels in the reactions to many social readjustments. The processes are clearly evident, for example, in responses to separation and divorce (Power, 1996). Frequently, however, they have echoes in other standard transitions, such as retirement or a child leaving home. Even "happy events", such as the birth of a child, can precipitate grief-like reactions linked to such issues as the loss of independence and loss of income.

Source: Carr (2006, p. 24)

As key researchers, such as Stroebe, Hansson, Stroebe, and Schut (2001), have continually pointed out, reactions to the experience of loss rarely follow the sequence outlined in Table 2. Thus, for some, shock can quickly express itself as anger; for others, the shock can (at least for a time) be cushioned by denial. The relevance of this body of research to the life events literature is that human transitions are mediated by psychological processes of adjustment that are frequently linked to a sense of loss, and that these processes take time (Carr, 2006; Power, 1996; Stroebe et al., 2001). The grief process linked to bereavement, for example, may take years. But the grief associated with, say, a redundancy, may also take a considerable amount of time to resolve itself. This may be one reason why an accumulation of events, especially in a relatively short space of time, increases the chances that an individual or a family may be overwhelmed. It also reinforces the observation, noted in Chapter 5, that clients seeking assistance from government departments are frequently in quite a vulnerable state.

3.3 The normal tasks of family

Patterns of family formation, dissolution and re-formation outlined in Chapter 1 highlight an increased diversity in life courses, with the sequencing of events such as marriage and having children varying, and with the likelihood of either of these events taking place diminishing. This increased diversity has, in turn, contributed to an emphasis on family-related research that adopts a life course perspective. To quote Bures (2009):

Changes in social norms related to marriage, childbearing, educational attainment, and women's employment have reshaped families, making residential family membership much less continuous over the life course. The increasing complexity of family living arrangements makes a life course perspective essential for understanding families. (p. 579)

Bures (2009) suggested that because of changing social norms, family researchers have also increasingly needed to differentiate between life events in general and the timing of those events over the life course. She observed, for example, that marital status transitions have become more common throughout the adult life course and less concentrated at the beginning and end of adulthood. As noted in Chapter 1, changes in patterns of family formation and in family structures can have profound consequences, such as shortening the period "available" to have children.

Carr (2006) pointed to the paradox that although almost all family researchers and family theorists acknowledge the limitations of assuming a traditional model of family structure, "the most useful available models of the family lifecycle are based on the norm of the traditional nuclear family, with other family forms being conceptualised as deviations from this norm". (p. 5).

Probably the best known articulation of the family lifecycle approach is that of Carter and McGoldrick (1999). Their model, summarised by Carr (2006), is reproduced in Tables 3 and 4.

Note: As noted in Chapter 1, roughly one-third of Australian marriages end in separation or divorce. For this group, another set of stages (see Table 4) will be interposed at some point in the progression above.

Source: Adapted from Carter and McGoldrick (1999)

Source: Adapted from Carter and McGoldrick (1999)

A tension clearly exists between proposing a normative sequence of family lifecycle events and transitions, and acknowledging the increasingly wide range of family structures, the wide range of ways in which human lives are lived and the wide range of "explanatory styles" (see Seligman, 2006) that individuals adopt to make sense of what happens. There is an obvious need to adapt sequences such as the above to reflect the lifecycle experienced by groups of individuals whose arrangements are unconventional but who would nonetheless see themselves as "family". The danger in placing too much emphasis on a widely recognised family lifecycle is that, as Walsh (2003a, 2003b) observed (see Chapter 1), the statistically aberrant can become confused with the pathological.

5.1 The client and the client's family

Most "family" services, whether experienced face-to-face or via what have become increasingly sophisticated information systems (see section 5.4), are delivered to individuals. Dealing with more than one individual, such as a couple, family or extended family, presents a broad range of logistical and training challenges. Yet the information or service delivered to one person (such as an expectant mother) can have significant ramifications for a couple or a family group, however that group is defined (see Chapter 1). This section does not attempt to deal with the many issues that arise when professionals and information providers see their tasks through a family lens. It begins with an assumption, however, that family services are ultimately about responding to family needs and that, given appropriate services and information, families are generally best placed to assist each other as individuals.³² As a step towards this goal, this section briefly looks to a systems model for thinking about families.

In Bronfenbrenner's ecological model (1979, 2001, 2005), he called the individual family member's immediate environment the "microsystem" and described this system as "a pattern of activities, roles and interpersonal relations experienced by the developing person in a given setting with particular physical and material characteristics" (1979, p. 22). The microsystem for children, for example, would typically include their family home(s), their classroom and possibly the home of one or both sets of grandparents. The quality of relationships within each setting is important, with dyadic relationships (e.g., between parent and child) being the most basic.

Studies concerning children's microsystems include those that focus on the effects on children of family characteristics (such as poverty and family structure), and the effects of interpersonal relationships within immediate settings (such as conflicted or supportive relationships between parents). Particular relationships appear to have stronger effects than others at particular times in the life course. Thus, the impact of the peer group and social media tend to be especially strong for adolescents.

In his writings, Bronfenbrenner emphasised the fact that each individual can also have a profound impact on dynamics within the family; that is, effects are always reciprocal. This was seen in the previous chapter (section 4.3); for example, in the impact on couples of their transition to parenthood. It can also be seen in the impact on the entire family and its support networks if one member becomes seriously ill. It is also clearly illustrated in a clinical example of an eight-year-old child who, because of a last-minute breakdown in care arrangements, accompanied his parents to a couples counselling session. In that case, after acknowledging his presence and showing him where mum and dad would be meeting for the next hour or so, the therapist provided the child with a safe waiting environment near the therapy room. Before his parents entered the room, the child reminded them: "Just remember I am on both your sides".³³

Microsystems are often inter-linked and are also nested within other networks of settings. Bronfenbrenner used the term "mesosystem" to denote linkages between settings in which the developing person participates. For the child, this includes links between home and school; for employed family members, it includes links between family and workplace. Where parents are separated and the child spends time in both homes (representing two key microsystems for the child), the mesosystem would consist of links between these two homes, with the quality of continuing interactions between the parents playing an important role with respect to family stability and the health of family members (Moloney & McIntosh, 2006).

Alongside mesosystems are "exosystems". According to Bronfenbrenner (1979), exosystems refer to "one or more settings that do not involve the developing person as an active participant, but in which events occur that affect, or are affected by, what happens in the setting containing the developing person" (p. 25). Examples for children would be their parents' workplaces, their friends, and any other schools attended by siblings, as well as the linkages between these settings. Thus, effective family-friendly workplace practices would arguably not only assist employees who make use of them, but also their family members for whom the workplace is an exosystem.

Bronfenbrenner also refers to "macrosystems". By this he means those overarching patterns of cultural, economic, legal and political ideology of social institutions that are common to a particular culture or sub-culture. From this perspective, it is important to recognise that individual family members may participate in two or more settings that are nested in markedly different macrosystems. Not uncommonly, for example, some immigrant children are exposed to divergent values at school and home. The same may apply to their parents vis-à-vis their neighbourhoods and broader communities, and the attitudes these neighbourhoods and communities espouse, as well as the services they provide.

Finally, recognising that living systems are also continuously evolving and changing, Bronfenbrenner (2001, 2005) added the dimension of time to his model, referring to this as the "chronosystem". This dimension of systems theory recognises that families, and individuals within families, must adapt to a range of inevitable biological and relationship changes, as well as adapting to or modifying other less predictable internal and external changes to better suit their needs. Of relevance here, for example, are the effects of specific life events such as partnership formation, becoming parents, children starting school, job changes or retrenchment, moving residence, or parental separation. The events themselves will have differential implications for health and wellbeing but, importantly, so will the timing of events in the life of the family.

One representation of Bronfenbrenner's model is reproduced diagrammatically in Figure 10.

Figure 10: Bronfenbrenner's ecological model

Bronfenbrenner's model highlights the importance of proximal interactions and other events in shaping the healthy development of each family member. The focus can also be placed on the family as a group, with the quality of functioning being strongly influenced not only by the characteristics of and relationships between family members, but also by the resources and vulnerabilities that characterise the family as a whole (e.g., socio-economic status) and the environment (e.g., informal support networks, neighbourhoods, schools and other services).

Likewise, the parental dyad can be seen as a system that is influenced by the resources, vulnerabilities and associated earlier experiences of each parent that, among other things, influence interpersonal and parenting styles. The parental dyad is also influenced by and in turn influences other intra-family system dynamics (e.g., parent-child and sibling relationships); characteristics of the family as a whole (e.g., whether the family is struggling financially); and each parent's experiences outside the world of the family (e.g., work-related stressful life events).

5.2 The "no wrong door" approach: Implications for staff training and collaborative service delivery

"No wrong door" is the notion that clients should not be the ones to shoulder the burden of having to match their need with the "correct" service. It is, of course, an ambitious aspiration, but services can move ever closer to this through a combination of both a significantly increased capacity to organise and store information, and the promotion of a service delivery philosophy that requires an "intellectual and emotional leap" (Vardon, 2001, p. 22).

Underpinning that leap is the idea that, as Vardon (2003) put it:

customers will only need to tell us honestly about their circumstances - it is our job to tell them what benefits and services they may be entitled to and to explain as simply as possible what obligations are expected of them in return, like telling us about changes in income and other circumstances. (p. 13)

Of course, clients will typically benefit from getting some assistance with deciding which aspects of their circumstances are likely to be most relevant for the provision of appropriate services and appropriate information. A life events inventory that deals with the range of expected transitions in the life of families would be a good starting place. But Vardon's (2001, 2003) key point is that the burden of translation from a life event to information, and a life event to an appropriate service, should lie with staff rather than with the client.

This shift in emphasis requires an ongoing training and support program for staff in at least three areas:

• What information, benefit or service attaches to this life event and how do I best ensure that the client receives this without having to start again?
• How do I protect myself on a day-to-day basis from the fact that many clients approaching organisations such as Centrelink and the Child Support Agency are at a very vulnerable stage of their lives and are likely to be emotionally labile?
• What are the obligations and constraints around sharing client information with other relevant agencies?

The first of these challenges is considerable as it entails a shift away from the staff member operating in a relatively "siloed" environment, in which he or she has learned how to apply a relatively limited set of solutions to a relatively limited set of problems. Assisting the client to translate an event (such as separation from a violent partner) into an appropriate set of service responses is far more challenging though, it could also be argued, potentially far more satisfying.

The second challenge goes to the problem of what is popularly known as staff "burnout". Many of the events brought to staff are not instantly solvable; some may never be fully solvable. In addition, customers of organisations such as Centrelink are more likely to be suffering from the burden of event accumulation. Their personal and other resources may be close to or sometimes beyond breaking point. The dynamic of projecting their sense of burden onto staff members who cannot solve their problems is well known. Less well understood is how to support frontline staff in such an environment so that they remain capable of meeting Vardon's (2001) basic requirements:

Our staff need to be sensitive and understanding in these situations. They need to behave ethically and they need to respect the information and confidences our customers share with us. Being treated with respect is one of the most important issues for our customers, especially for those who are at a difficult point in their lives. People don't want to be treated like a number or a burden. They want eye contact and personalised service. Our customers expect to be treated as individuals and they don't want to have to tell their story over and over again every time they deal with us. (p. 21)

The third challenge regarding sharing client information is one that requires a relatively new and highly sophisticated way of thinking, some key elements of which are summarised in the following section.

5.3 Information sharing in a collaborative environment

As discussed earlier, in 1976, Australia introduced the Family Law Act, which was designed to permit couples to separate with greater dignity and resolve disputes that may arise (mainly about property and financial support for and care of children). Although the legislation included the introduction of Family Court counsellors who, among other things, were to assist parents in resolving parenting disputes, the processes encountered by clients remained predominantly legal ones. Ongoing systemic difficulties between the legal sector and the family relationships sector probably culminated in some of the requirements that were introduced as part of the 2006 family law reforms.³⁴ These included a requirement for legal practices to be physically distant from the then new Family Relationship Centres (FRCs) set up to, among other things, assist families in disputes over their children.

The underlying philosophy that saw legal and family relationship services working somewhat in opposition to each other changed markedly when in December 2009 when legal services organisations received funding totaling $4.2 million for the purpose of partnering with FRCs. An evaluation of this initiative was conducted by AIFS from July to December 2010 (Moloney et al., 2011).

Overall, the conclusions to be drawn from the evaluation were very positive (Moloney et al., 2011). It was found that most partnerships were functioning well or very well. Most reported high or very high levels of collaboration and enthusiasm for the project, while recognising the need to work through issues arising out of the significant cultural differences experienced by each professional group. The legacy of being hesitant about involving lawyers was evident in some individual statements from FRC staff, but only a very small number of partnerships appeared to be functioning poorly, or to be still at the very beginning of development.

A key finding was that:

providing legal services was generally rated by legal and family relationship practitioners and clients who had participated in the program as being effective in assisting clients to progress their case. (Moloney et al., 2011, p. E1)

This important initiative represents a new and exciting direction for Australian family law that begins with the needs of the client and works from that starting point to explore ways in which very different services can work together. At the same time, the legal and practical challenges of encouraging close collaboration on behalf of the client became increasingly clear during the evaluation (Moloney et al., 2010). These challenges have contributed to renewed interest in exploring information sharing guidelines that will enhance cooperation in the service of the client, and at the same time protect clients' interests.

Progress in articulating information sharing principles and practice has been made by a number of bodies. The core information sharing issues noted in Box 3 are excerpted from the information guidelines produced by the Government of South Australian (2008).

5.4 International service delivery models

It is possible that the scope of fundamental human needs and desires (touched on in section 2.4) and the human experiences associated with loss, may not have altered significantly during the period of recorded history. However, the contexts in which these experiences occur have altered dramatically and continue to do so. The ever-increasing complexity of family processes and family forms outlined in Chapter 1 raise practical, moral and service delivery issues that would have scarcely been considered even 50 years ago. Our understandings of stress, resilience, health and illness have undergone profound changes; and although the "normal" tasks of family may still be recognisable, again the contexts in which these tasks take place bear little relationship to the contexts that prevailed in, say, the 1950s.

In summary, life is more complex, with more options available, but with a general perception of having less time to respond to them. It is likely to be the case that there are more opportunities available for resilient families to grow and prosper, but also more points at which vulnerable families might falter.

The challenge for family services is to connect effectively with people at times of potentially destabilising events in their lives. Effective connection at these points in time can turn crises into genuine opportunities, whether those opportunities are in education, training and employment options or in strengthening connections both within families and between families and the community.

Most of the international literature concerned with delivering the right service at the right time, speak of both growing complexity and growing expectations. At the same time, most see a key opportunity in improving access to information. That access to information can be utilised by service providers, but increasingly, service providers can assist family members to access this information themselves.

Like many others, Kohlborn, Weiss, Poeppelbuss, Korthaus & Fielt (2010) focused on the increasing emphasis on online service delivery models. In a review of international models, they made a useful distinction between government portals that display a:

• one-stop shared approach;
• first-stop shared approach; and
• first-stop delegated approach.

The publicly funded one-stop shared model is aimed at providing a "real one stop experience where all public services are delivered through a one stop portal" (Kohlborn et al., 2010, p. 8). The authors claimed that there are typically three entities involved in managing this model:

• a high-level coordinating committee for deciding what service bundles should be offered to all citizens;
• a cross-departmental team responsible for each service bundle (typically the department affiliated most strongly with the main service areas will take the lead); and
• on the lowest level, different departments responsible for the accuracy of the content of the bundles.

The publicly funded first-stop shared model tends to be positioned as an entry point only. Singapore's eCitizen portal, for example, has seven topic-based service bundles that link to other further services and a website dedicated to each bundle.

In the first-stop delegated model, a corporation acts as a mediator for services delivered on behalf of various government agencies and acts on a virtually self-funded basis.

Kohlborn and his colleagues (2010) summarised the strengths and weaknesses of these models, as shown in Table 7.

Source: Kohlborn et al. (2010).

Finally, the Irish Citizens Information Board provides one of the best examples of an events-based online service.³⁵ The Appendix provides a general description of the types of material included on the website and lists the major topics covered.

• Ader, R. (2006). Psychoneuroimmunology IV. San Diego: Academic Press.
• Adler, A. (1939). Social interest. A challenge to mankind. New York, NY: Putnam.
• Alexander, K. L., & Entwisle, D. R. (1988). Achievement in the first 2 years of school: Patterns and processes (Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, Vol. 53, No. 2). Hoboken, NJ: Blackwell Publishing.
• Alexander, K. L., & Entwisle, D. R. (1998). Facilitating the transition to first grade: The nature of transition and research on factors. Elementary School Journal, 98(4), 351-364.
• Allardt, E. (1976). Dimensions of welfare in a comparative Scandinavian study. Acta Sociologica, 19, 227-239.
• Antonovsky, A. (1979). Health, stress and coping: New perspectives on mental and physical well-being. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
• Antonovsky, A. (1987). Health promoting factors at work: The sense of coherence. In R. Kalimo, M. A. El-Batawi, & C. L. Cooper (Eds.), Psychosocial factors at work and their relation to health (pp. 153-167). Geneva: World Health Organisation.
• Appley, M. H., & Trumbull, R. T. (1967). On the concept of psychological stress. In M. H. Appley, & R. Trumbull (Eds.), Psychological stress: Issues in research (pp. 1-13). New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts.
• Artis, J. E. (2007). Maternal cohabitation and child well-being among kindergarten children. Journal of Marriage and Family, 69, 222-236.
• Australian Bureau of Statistics. (1982). Births, Australia 1981 (Cat. No. 3301.0). Canberra: ABS.
• Australian Bureau of Statistics. (1995a). Australian social trends 1995 (Cat. No. 4102.0). Canberra: ABS.
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List of tables

• Table 1: Model of individual identity development
• Table 2: Behavioural expression of themes underlying adjustment problems arising from grief processes that may lead to referral following bereavement or facing terminal illness
• Table 3: Stages of the family lifecycle
• Table 4: Extra stages in the family lifecycle entailed by separation or divorce and remarriage
• Table 5: The Social Readjustment Rating Scale
• Table 6: The Revised Social Readjustment Rating Scale
• Table 7: Strengths and weaknesses of service delivery models

List of figures

• Figure 1a: Age at first marriage, men, 1921, 1970 and 2001
• Figure 1b: Age at first marriage, women, 1921, 1970 and 2001
• Figure 2: Persons living with a partner, cohabiting or married, by age, 2006
• Figure 3: First couple relationships, women, commenced with marriage or cohabitation, by year of birth
• Figure 4a: Proportion of men living without a partner, by age, 1976, 1996 and 2006
• Figure 4b: Proportion of women living without a partner, by age, 1976, 1996 and 2006
• Figure 5: Crude divorce rate and number of divorces, 1901–2010
• Figure 6: Outcomes of cohabitation after five years, by year first began cohabiting
• Figure 7: Proportion of divorcees remarrying, by gender
• Figure 8: Current relationship status of divorced men and women aged under 55 years, 2009
• Figure 9: Distribution of family types, 1976–2006
• Figure 10: Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model