On this page:

• Overview
• Key messages
• Glossary
• Introduction
• What is adolescent violence and how common is it?
• What are adverse childhood experiences (ACEs)?
• What does the evidence say about the relationship between ACEs, youth offending and specific types of violence?
• Why might ACEs lead to the use of violence?
• Ways of working with adolescents using violence or at risk of using violence
• Conclusion
• How this resource was developed
• Further reading and related resources
• References
• Acknowledgements

Overview

Understanding the factors associated with the adolescent use of violence can support early interventions to address the needs of young people and reduce the risk of them using violence.

This resource is for professionals and practitioners working with adolescents using or at risk of using violence and their families. It is aimed at practitioners who need to assess the risk of adolescents engaging in violence in the future or who wish to support adolescents who have started using aggressive behaviours.

The paper:

• describes what adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) are and their relationship with adolescent use of physical, verbal, emotional and psychological violence
• summarises the evidence about the relationship between adverse childhood experiences (ACEs), neurological development and trauma, social learning and adolescent use of violence
• outlines some considerations for practitioners and other professionals working with adolescents using violence or at risk of using violence.

Key messages

• Addressing the adolescent use of violence in family settings is a priority area under the National Plan to End Violence Against Women and Children 2022–2032.
• Research has found a strong link between adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) and the use of violence by adolescents and young people. The type, frequency and onset of ACEs can influence the severity and types of violence used.
• Not all young people who have had ACEs will go on to use violence but a history of ACEs can increase the risk of adolescents using violence.
• Use of violence by adolescents can be a result of experiences of trauma that have affected their development and behaviour, a reaction to difficult household circumstances and/or a sign of distress and unmet needs.
• Consideration of how ACEs affect development and behaviour is part of a trauma-informed approach for supporting adolescents using or at risk of using violence.

Glossary

Introduction

This resource explores the research on the relationship between adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) and the adolescent use of violence. ACEs are instances of adversity, such as abuse, neglect and family dysfunction, experienced before the age of 18 (Asmussen et al., 2020). Understanding the factors, such as ACEs, that can lead to adolescents using violence can support early intervention for adolescents and their families. This can curb potential trajectories of adolescent violence and break cycles of intergenerational violence (Campbell et al., 2020; Campbell et al., 2023).

Addressing the adolescent use of violence in family settings is a priority action area under the National Plan to End Violence Against Women and Children 2022–2032 (National Plan; DSS, 2022). The National Plan recognises the role of ACEs and trauma on young people’s use of violence and that it is often a response to distress and unmet needs. Adolescents who use violence have often been, or currently are, victims of violence themselves (Campbell et al., 2020; DSS, 2022).

There is also strong research evidence, especially in the criminal justice system, linking adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) to the subsequent use of violence by adolescents and young people (Graf et al., 2021; Harris et al., 2022; Malvaso et al., 2022; Mathews, Papalia et al., 2023; Ogilvie et al., 2022). In particular, the adolescent use of violence is associated with multiple and often cumulative ACEs in combination with certain socio-economic circumstances, disability and societal attitudinal norms (Campbell et al., 2020; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2021).

Although addressing the adolescent use of violence has been identified as a priority in the National Plan, there can be a lack of appropriate service responses to support adolescents who are at risk of using violence or who have started using aggressive/violent behaviour (Campbell et al., 2020, Campbell et al., 2023). Often the first contact these young people have with formal services is via the criminal justice system (Campbell et al., 2020). Service responses for early intervention can be limited at this stage as violence has already occurred and services may be more likely to take punitive approaches focused on reducing reoffending rather than looking at the health and social drivers of the violence (Clancey et al., 2020; Folk et al., 2021).

Hence, a first step in the early identification of adolescents using or at risk of using violence is understanding how ACEs, trauma and other risk factors are associated with the adolescent use of violence. This may also support the greater use of trauma-informed care and practice. Trauma-informed care is based on knowledge and understanding of how trauma (in this case, trauma as a result of experiencing ACEs) affects people’s lives, their service needs and their service engagement. It is also a method to avoid further traumatisation within service delivery (Asmussen, 2020; Wall, 2016).

The purpose of this resource

The paper is a resource for professionals and practitioners working with adolescents using or at risk of using violence and their families. It may be of use to practitioners who need to assess the risk of adolescents engaging in violence in the future or who wish to support adolescents who have started using aggressive behaviours. This includes early intervention settings, child protection, youth justice, family and relationship, and family and domestic violence (FDV) services.

This paper explores:

• what ACEs are
• the relationship between ACEs and the adolescent use of violence
• what the research says about the relationship between ACEs and violence use, including different types of violence
• practice implications and the role of trauma-informed approaches.

What is adolescent violence and how common is it?

Broadly, the term ‘violence’ in this resource refers to physical violence (e.g. hitting, punching), sexual assault, verbal abuse, bullying and emotional/psychological abuse. The use of violence by adolescents can include peer-to-peer violence or ‘youth violence’, intimate partner violence, adolescent violence in the home (or adolescent family violence) and harmful sexual behaviour.

Research is emerging on the prevalence of different types of adolescent violence including:

• adolescent family violence or adolescent violence in the home (AVITH)
• sexual violence – for example, harmful sexual behaviour (HSB)
• intimate partner violence (IPV)

(refer to the Glossary for definitions of these terms).

According to an Australian survey of over 5,000 young people aged 16–20 years, 20% of survey respondents self-reported using any form of adolescent family violence. Violence was most commonly directed towards mothers and siblings and verbal abuse was the most common form of violence reported (Fitz-Gibbon et al., 2022).

Research by the Australian Institute of Family Studies (AIFS), using data from 3,037 survey participants aged 18–19 years, found that 3 in 10 adolescents reported having experienced at least one incident of IPV in the previous year (O’Donnell et al., 2023). Another study that used Australian Child Maltreatment Study (ACMS) data of 8,503 people aged 16 and over estimated that 1 in 10 Australians experienced peer sexual harassment during childhood (Hunt et al., 2024).

Although research on the prevalence of young people’s HSB is limited, the report of the 2017 Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse indicated that there may be thousands of children harmed by other children’s sexual behaviours in Australia every year (Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse, 2017).

What are adverse childhood experiences (ACEs)?

Adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) are potentially traumatic events or circumstances experienced during childhood that can have lasting negative effects on health and wellbeing (Asmussen et al., 2020; O’Neill et al., 2021). ACEs include all types of abuse and neglect, including emotional, physical and sexual abuse. ACEs also include exposure to situations that may cause trauma for a child, such as household substance abuse, having a parent with a mental illness or being part of a family going through separation/divorce (CDC, 2021).

The significance of ACEs is that they are experienced during a foundational life stage, when children are going through important developmental stages, and this can have follow-on effects on relationships, behaviours, health and social outcomes (CDC, 2021).

What counts as an ACE, and the terminology used to describe ACEs, can vary. The ACEs framework, developed by the US Centers for Disease Control in the late 1990s and now well-established in criminology, primary prevention and social outcomes literature, focuses on 10 key ACEs (CDC, 2021). Of these 10, 5 are related to child abuse and neglect and 5 are forms of family dysfunction (Asmussen et al., 2020) (see Table 1). This original ACEs framework was based on a landmark study that showed a graded relationship between the number of adversities experienced before the age of 18 and the risk of mental ill-health and disease before the age of 60 (Felitti et al., 1998) (this means that an increasing number of adversities were associated with higher risk of mental ill-health and disease).

There are, however, other frameworks and definitions that have a broader conceptualisation of ACEs. For example, some researchers have identified experiences such as parental stress and negative parental beliefs about their child, neighbourhood violence, bullying, discrimination, natural disasters and refugee trauma as forms of ACEs (Asmussen et al., 2020; Carlson et al., 2020). In this resource, we have adopted this broader definition of ACEs.

Table 1: The 10 ACEs of the ACEs framework

Source: Adapted from the Early Intervention Foundation (Asmussen et al., 2020)

How common are ACEs?

There is emerging evidence that the prevalence of ACEs is high. A systematic review of studies exploring the prevalence of ACEs in 96 international population samples suggested that ACEs – broadly defined – are experienced by two-thirds of young people around the world (Carlson et al., 2020).

In Australia, the Australian Child Maltreatment Study (ACMS) collected data from 8,500 randomly selected Australians 16 years or older to understand the prevalence of maltreatment experiences in childhood (Haslam et al., 2023). Among young people aged 16–24 in the sample, the ACMS researchers found high levels of physical, sexual and emotional abuse (28.2%, 25.7%, 34.6%, respectively), with 43.8% of young participants experiencing exposure to domestic violence in childhood (Haslam et al., 2023). Additionally, the study found that girls experience higher rates of sexual abuse, emotional abuse and neglect than boys.

The ACMS study also reported that 40.2% of young people had experienced more than one type of abuse in childhood, suggesting that when there is child maltreatment, it is rarely an isolated incident (Higgins et al., 2023).

What does the evidence say about the relationship between ACEs, youth offending and specific types of violence?

Research on the relationship between ACEs and violence mostly comes from criminology. As a result, studies of outcomes relating to ACEs exposure most often focus on ‘offending’ and ‘recidivism’ (re-offending) rather than the use of violence per se. ‘Offending’, in this context, refers to when an individual has committed a crime punishable by the law (Law Insider, 2024).

Findings from systematic reviews suggest there is a higher prevalence of ACEs among young people who offend or are involved in the criminal justice system than among young people who are not involved in the justice system (Graf et al., 2021; Malvaso et al., 2022; Mathews, Pacella et al., 2023). The presence of ACEs also appears to increase the risk of youth recidivism (re-offending) (Yohros, 2023).

Research also suggests the existence of a ‘graded response’ – that is, where multiple or frequent ACE exposure is associated with higher rates of offending or contact with the justice system (Graf et al., 2021; Harris et al., 2022; Malvaso et al., 2022; Ogilvie et al., 2022).

A study using ACMS data found that rates of criminal justice involvement, measured in the form of arrests, were 3 times higher for those with chronic multi-type maltreatment in childhood than for those experiencing either no maltreatment or who had experienced fewer than 3 types of maltreatment (Mathews, Pacella et al., 2023). This is notable given that experiences of multi-type maltreatment are more common than single-type maltreatment (Higgins et al., 2023).

There is also evidence to suggest there may be a relationship between the type of ACE and the likelihood of using violence in criminal offending. An Australian study using administrative data (i.e. caseworker assessments and youth justice records) of over 6,000 young males and clinical information (e.g. case files, assessment reports) of 377 young males found that some ACEs indicated a greater likelihood of using violence (including acts intended to cause injury and homicide) than committing non-violent offences (e.g. driving causing injury/death, stalking) (Ogilvie et al., 2022).

ACEs and types of adolescent violence

Most young people who grow up having ACEs do not go on to use violence or to offend (Ogilvie et al., 2022). However, there appears to be a strong history of ACEs present in those who do use violence (Fitz-Gibbon et al., 2022).

Research also suggests there is an association between ACEs and each of the different types of violence used by adolescents (Bandyopadhyay et al., 2014; Cadely et al., 2019; Campbell et al., 2023; Fitz-Gibbon et al., 2022; Ogilvie et al., 2022; Quadara et al., 2020). In particular, there is research relating to ACEs and adolescent violence in the home (AVITH), harmful sexual behaviours (HSB) and intimate partner violence (IPV).

Research on whether specific patterns of ACEs may lead to specific types of violence use is still emerging. In general, the research on the relationship between ACEs and different violence types predominantly relies on cross-sectional studies (data collected at a single time point). This makes it difficult to assess the causal nature of the relationship between ACEs and particular violence use/offending. Nonetheless, there are some strong associations between ACEs and the different forms of violence. We describe some of this evidence in the sections that follow.

ACEs and adolescent violence in the home

There is a growing body of research evidence from Australia and internationally that suggests that a young person’s prior experience of adult perpetrated violence, both directly (experiencing abuse) and indirectly (witnessing abuse), is the most significant contributor to their use of AVITH (Armstrong et al., 2018; Beckmann et al., 2021; Campbell et al., 2020; Contreras & del Carmen Cano, 2016; Elliott et al., 2017; Fitz-Gibbon et al., 2022; Ibabe et al., 2013).

An Australian cross-sectional study found that of approximately 1,000 young people who reported using violence in the home, 89% reported they had experienced abuse (Fitz-Gibbon et al., 2022). Further, young people who had experienced targeted abuse and witnessed family violence between other family members were 9 times more likely to use AVITH than young people who had experienced neither of these ACEs (Fitz-Gibbon et al., 2022).

A study that included a qualitative component involving practitioners in Victoria and a case study of a community service found that families experiencing AVITH (and that had sought help from the services) had also commonly experienced the ongoing impacts of adult perpetration of FDV and coercive control (Campbell et al., 2023).

ACEs and harmful sexual behaviours

The evidence suggests that children and young people who display HSB are likely to have experienced multiple ACEs involving abuse and neglect, as well as FDV exposure. A systematic review of 10 quantitative studies of children displaying HSB found that children and young people who display HSB are likely to have a background of complex trauma involving both abuse and neglect, with females having more severe sexual abuse histories than males (Faure-Walker & Hunt, 2022).

An Australian study of young males with recorded offences found that adolescents displaying HSB had experienced multiple ACEs, with the most common being exposure to FDV (Ogilvie et al., 2022). Further, a study that interviewed practitioners working with young people using HSB found that FDV and a history of abuse (sexual, physical and emotional) were the most frequent features of their clients’ backgrounds (Quadara et al., 2020).

ACEs and intimate partner violence/dating aggression

Previous experiences of abuse, sexual victimisation and exposure to FDV have been linked to intimate partner violence (IPV) use by adolescents (Bandyopadhyay et al., 2014). A longitudinal study of 484 young people in Alabama in the USA found that witnessing violence in the home was a more consistent predictor of dating aggression¹ in adolescence than either being a victim of violence or witnessing violence in other contexts such as school (Cadely et al., 2019).

However, other research suggests that other factors may also contribute to IPV by young people (especially males), including feelings of entitlement,² ineffective conflict resolution within relationships and peer influence (e.g. having friends in violent relationships) (Malhi et al., 2020; O’Keefe, 2005).

Why might ACEs lead to the use of violence?

Research suggests that the significance of ACEs for the subsequent use of violence is that they are experienced in a formative period and so can have effects on later development and behaviour. This can lead to multiple negative health and social outcomes, including the use of violence (CDC, 2021).

Additionally, some research suggests that intergenerational transmission of violence may influence young people’s social learning, whereby adolescents exposed to or experiencing violence use similar behaviour(s) to resolve conflict or cope in a difficult environment (Kwong et al., 2003; Margolin & Baucom, 2014; Van de Weijer et al., 2014). These associations between ACEs and the later use of violence are discussed below.

ACEs and their effects on development and behaviour

The connection between ACEs and later violence use may be linked to the neurological, psychological and biological changes that result from the trauma caused by prolonged negative stressors (CDC, 2021; Fox et al., 2015).

The normal development of human functioning systems, including the nervous and immune systems, can be impeded by the trauma caused by ACEs (Cooke et al., 2023; van der Kolk et al., 2009). Exposure to frequent and long-term stressors can have negative impacts on an individual’s development, especially in the absence of protective factors that can reduce the impacts of these stressors (CDC, 2021).

Possible changes resulting from trauma caused by ACEs include neural impairment and changes to brain development (Cooke et al., 2023; Fox et al., 2015; van der Kolk et al., 2009). These changes can have effects on behaviour such as increased impulsivity, lack of emotional regulation and stress intolerance (CDC, 2021; Fox et al., 2015; Shonkoff et al., 2012).

These changes may also be connected to more aggressive behaviour, overly reactive behaviour and an increased likelihood of externalising behaviour – all of which are linked to the use of violence (Fox et al., 2015). Therefore, the use of violent behaviour may be a response to trauma and distress from the experience of ACEs.

Intergenerational transmission of violence and coping in difficult home environments

The theory of intergenerational transmission of violence may also partly explain the use of violence by adolescents. This theory suggests that young people learn behaviours by observing behaviours used by the key adults in their lives and replicate their behaviours (Kwong et al., 2003; Margolin & Baucom, 2014; Van de Weijer et al., 2014).

Furthermore, young people’s use of violence towards others may also be, in part, a coping strategy when living in a difficult home environment (Nussbaum et al., 2015; O’Hara et al., 2017). According to the Adolescent Domestic Battery Typologies (ADBTT) framework, adolescents may use violence towards parents (Nussbaum et al., 2015; O’Hara et al., 2017):

• in response to victimisation
• in conflict resolution in the face of stressful circumstances
• due to inconsistent parental authority
• where familial power dynamics have shifted due to the adolescent’s use of violence.

Existing research supports the theory of intergenerational transmission of violence. For example, some longitudinal studies, where young people are studied over time during adolescence, have found that childhood or adolescent exposure to either family violence or violent crime by family members is associated with a young person’s use of violence directed at family members in adolescence and violent offending later in life (Margolin & Baucom, 2014; Van de Weijer et al., 2014).

Australian qualitative research involving practitioners who worked in AVITH-specific contexts has also found that some adolescents identified or sided with the perpetrator of the violence as a coping strategy in the face of FDV; for example, to avoid being a victim (Campbell et al., 2020).

Adolescents may also use violence in response to feelings of powerlessness in a difficult home environment (Campbell et al., 2020; O’Hara et al., 2017). For example, adolescents who live in an environment where there is FDV can have little or no ability to make changes in their own lives to break the cycle of violence (Campbell et al., 2020).

Some researchers have suggested that these environmental influences may limit the effectiveness of behaviour change programs aimed at adolescents using violence (or at risk of using violence). This is because such programs can put the responsibility for change on the young person without recognising the broader context they live in (Burck, 2021).

The findings above suggest how and why adolescents may engage in violence. This research also suggests that violence use by adolescents should be considered as a different phenomenon to adults using violence. In particular, when a young person uses violence in the home, this is very often a sign that they and/or their family are experiencing distress and need support (Campbell et al., 2020; Campbell et al., 2023; Quadara et al., 2020). This may be affected further by factors including mental illness, acquired brain injury, and psychosocial and cognitive disability (Family Violence Reform Implementation Monitor, 2020).

Ways of working with adolescents using violence or at risk of using violence

The strong link between ACEs and the use of violence by adolescents makes it an important consideration for practitioners and professionals working with adolescents and young people using or at risk of using violence.

There is no strong evidence as yet for what works to reduce symptoms of trauma for people with ACEs or for supporting young people who use violence. However, some researchers and practitioners have suggested that young people using or at risk of using violence may be more effectively supported when practitioners adopt trauma-informed approaches (Campbell et al., 2023). (Note, there are other approaches beyond the scope of this resource that may also be helpful – e.g. client-centred approaches and whole-of-family supports (Campbell et al., 2020; Campbell et al., 2023))

Trauma-informed approaches

Trauma-informed approaches have been suggested as one of the key ways for supporting young people with ACEs (Asmussen et al., 2020). Trauma-informed care is based on the practitioner having knowledge and understanding of how trauma affects people’s lives as well as their service needs and service usage. It is also intended to be a method for avoiding further traumatisation within service delivery to young people (Asmussen et al., 2020; Wall et al., 2016).

With respect to the adolescent use of violence, trauma-informed care involves understanding how ACEs contribute to trauma, how they may affect a young person’s development and how the use of violence may in part be a coping mechanism for young people experiencing neglect or abuse.

Although the research on the effectiveness of such trauma-informed approaches is still emerging, we have drawn from the research that does exist to describe some considerations for practitioners working with young people using or at risk of using violence.

Take the time to build trust

Adolescents using or at risk of using violence have commonly experienced abuse, neglect and family dysfunction. This can include experiences of rejection and abandonment, which can lead to mistrusting others. Some young people may also have previous negative experiences with services, which results in mistrusting services (Lester et al., 2020). Therefore, to support trauma-informed care, practitioners may need to invest considerable time in building trust with the young person, especially when there has been a loss of trust in the key adults in their lives (Lester et al., 2020).

Consider screening for ACEs

ACE screening is increasingly being used in healthcare settings, especially in the USA and the UK, and to a lesser extent in Australia, to identify children with symptoms of trauma as a result of adversity (Asmussen et al., 2020; Cibralic et al., 2022). However, there is currently limited research on whether this is effective and ethical, due to concerns about the risks of retraumatising young people with the screening questions, especially in the absence of proper triaging and referral processes to support the young person after screening (Asmussen et al., 2020; Cibralic et al., 2022; Loveday et al., 2022).

However, the research indicates that an adolescent experiencing one ACE is at increased risk of experiencing additional ACEs or maltreatment experiences (Harris et al., 2022; Higgins et al., 2023). Therefore, if an adolescent discloses an experience of ACE, practitioners should consider whether the adolescent may be experiencing other ACEs.

This suggests a need for an holistic service response or approach that is able to address the presence of multiple ACEs, either within an agency or in collaboration with other agencies, to ensure the multiple needs of the adolescent are met. The interrelatedness and co-occurrence of different ACEs in adolescents who use violence also highlights the importance of avoiding working in silos where only a single ACE is targeted (Campbell et al., 2023).

Treat adolescent use of violence differently to adult-perpetrated violence

The use of any form of violence by a young person should be considered a different phenomenon to adults using violence. In many instances, the violence is because the young person and/or their family is experiencing hardship and needs support (Campbell et al., 2020; Campbell et al., 2023; Quadara et al., 2020). This is especially the case with young people with disability or other developmental issues (Sutherland et al., 2022). Children and young people with disability may use behaviours as a form of communication, which may be identified by others as violence (Hanley et al., 2003; Strawa & Lancaster, 2024; Sutherland et al., 2022).

Therefore, it is essential to take time to understand the multiple and intersectional factors that might be contributing to the behaviours and/or might mitigate their effects. Traditional behaviour change programs, such as those used in FDV for adult perpetrators, may be ineffective if these intersectional factors (and the young person’s environment) are not considered prior to initiating any behavioural therapy (Burck, 2021; Martínez et al., 2015).

Avoid labelling and treat adolescents as victim-survivors in their own right

‘Labelling theory’ proposes that identifying a young person as a perpetrator or criminal can alienate them from society and fuel antisocial or violent behaviours (Lemert, 1967). Describing young people as ‘perpetrators’ can further stigmatise them and limit their desire to engage in therapeutic support (Quadara et al., 2020). Further, because adolescents commonly have limited ability to make changes in their lives, holding them solely responsible for their behaviour reduces the legitimacy of their experiences and circumstances (Campbell et al., 2020).

Taking a trauma-informed approach with such young people means avoiding using blaming language or labelling them as ‘perpetrators’. Further, the National Plan states that because adolescents who use violence are likely experiencing violence and living in circumstances outside of their control, they should be treated as victim-survivors in their own right (DSS, 2022).

Conclusion

Early identification of adolescents at risk of using violence can potentially break cycles of violence or intergenerational violence. Understanding ACEs is a useful starting point for understanding the risk factors that can lead to violence use. Although the majority of adolescents with ACEs will not use violence, the research evidence indicates that there is a strong link between the adolescent use of violence and past or current ACEs.

There also appears to be a link between the frequency and onset of ACEs and the severity and type of violence use (especially in relation to the use of violence in youth offending).

Understanding how ACEs and trauma affect development, and how violence may be a coping mechanism or learnt behaviour arising from an individual’s family and environmental circumstances, can help practitioners to better support adolescents using or at risk of using violence.

How this resource was developed

The resource draws on a narrative literature review on adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) and adolescent use of violence. Reports from peak Australian organisations (e.g. ANROWS) and international organisations, systematic reviews, Australian reviews and Australian primary research were included in the development of this resource. Implications to practice are based on the research presented in the resource and do not represent comprehensive guidance on best practices when working with adolescents who are using violence or at risk of using violence.

Further reading and related resources

AIFS resources

• Principles of trauma-informed approaches to child sexual abuse
• The effect of trauma on brain development of children
• Intimate partner violence among Australian 18-19 year olds

Non-AIFS resources

• The National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children 2022-2032, Department of Social Services
• Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs), Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
• Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs): Summary of evidence and impacts, Emerging Minds and ANU
• Adolescent family violence in Australia (fact sheet), ANROWS
• AVITH community of practice, The Centre for Excellence in Child and Family Welfare
• AVITH resource hub, The Centre for Excellence in Child and Family Welfare

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Acknowledgements

This practice and policy paper was written by Anagha Joshi and Dr Mandy Truong who work in the Child Family Community Australia (CFCA) team at the Australian Institute of Family Studies (AIFS). Anagha and Mandy would like to acknowledge Dr Melissa Willoughby, Liz Wall and Dr Stewart Muir from AIFS for their advice and review of the paper.

¹Dating aggression: There is no consensus on the definition of dating aggression; however, it is considered a type of intimate partner violence (IPV). It generally refers to intentional aggression within unmarried partnership (e.g. dating or courtship) in adolescents and young people (Matud et al., 2023).

²Entitlement can be characterised by the ‘belief that one is inherently deserving of privilege or special treatment’ (Malhi et al., 2020, p 8).

Featured image: © gettyimages/Serghei Turcanu